Evaluating the genetic unity of Central Sudanic lexical

  • Slides: 38
Download presentation
Evaluating the genetic unity of Central Sudanic: lexical and morphological evidence Pascal Boyeldieu (CNRS,

Evaluating the genetic unity of Central Sudanic: lexical and morphological evidence Pascal Boyeldieu (CNRS, Llacan-UMR 8135)

Summary 1. Central Sudanic: history and overview 2. Sara-Bongo-Bagirmi (SBB) 3. Central Sudanic (CSD)

Summary 1. Central Sudanic: history and overview 2. Sara-Bongo-Bagirmi (SBB) 3. Central Sudanic (CSD)

Tucker & Bryan (1956) Greenberg (1963) Greenberg (1971) 2. Bongo-Bagirmi Bongo (LG) Kresh (LG)

Tucker & Bryan (1956) Greenberg (1963) Greenberg (1971) 2. Bongo-Bagirmi Bongo (LG) Kresh (LG) Sinyar (SU) Kara (SU) Sara (LG) Bagirmi (LG) 1. Bongo, Baka, Morokodo, Beli, [. . . ], Sara dialects [. . . ], Bagirmi, Kuka, Kenga, [. . . ] 2. Kreish 3. Binga, Yulu, Kara 1. Bongo-Bagirmi A. Bongo B. Sara, Kara, Bagirmi C. Yulu 2. Kreish 1. Moru-Mangbetu Moru-Ma’di (LG) Mangbutu-Efe (LG) Mangbetu (LG) Lendu (SU) 4. Moru, Avukaya, Logo, Keliko, Lugbara, Madi 5. Mangbetu, Lombi, Popoi, Makere, Meje, Asua 6. Mangbutu, Mamvu, Lese, Mvuba, Efe 7. Lendu 3. Moru-Madi 4. Mangbetu 5. Mangbutu-Efe 6. Lendu (LG = Language group ; SU = Single unit)

 [CSD] = 5 (6? ) groups [SBB] Sara-Bongo-Bagirmi: Modo, Baka, Bongo, Yulu, Gula

[CSD] = 5 (6? ) groups [SBB] Sara-Bongo-Bagirmi: Modo, Baka, Bongo, Yulu, Gula dialects, Ndoka, Bagiro, Na, Kenga, Bagirmi, Sara languages – Sinyar? [MMD] Moru-Madi: Moru, Avokaya, Logo, Lugbara, Ma’di [LND] Lendu: Ngiti, Lendu [MAS] Mangbetu-Asua: Asua, Mangbetu, Meje, Lombi [MEF] Mangbutu-Efe: Mangbutu, Ndo, Mamvu, Lese, Efe ? [KRS] Kresh (& al. ): Kresh, Dongo – Aja? – Birri?

SBB KRS SVO head – modifier prepositions MMD LND MAS MEF SVO / S(Aux)OV

SBB KRS SVO head – modifier prepositions MMD LND MAS MEF SVO / S(Aux)OV modifier – head postpositions Syntaxic typology

2. SBB Segmental and tonal correspondences Lexicon Morphology (verb tonal classes, verbal derivation, personal

2. SBB Segmental and tonal correspondences Lexicon Morphology (verb tonal classes, verbal derivation, personal pronouns)

Linguistic position of Sinyar? SBB-like: – part of the lexicon (including ‘basic’ vocabulary) –

Linguistic position of Sinyar? SBB-like: – part of the lexicon (including ‘basic’ vocabulary) – part of the personal pronouns – personal indices 2 & 3 distinguished for number by verbal plural suffixes – deverbative processes (vowel-initial verbs: adjectives prefixed in k-, infinitive prefixed in t-) not SBB-like: – part of the lexicon (including ‘basic’ vocabulary) – but of which origin? – no tonal alternation on verbs – marked-nominative language (see König 2008: Nilotic and Surmic feature)

3. CSD Consonant correspondences: - Labial-velars: *kp, *gb, *ngb, *Ñm - Glottalized: *¹, *ß,

3. CSD Consonant correspondences: - Labial-velars: *kp, *gb, *ngb, *Ñm - Glottalized: *¹, *ß, *Ê , * • , *C, *‰ Lexicon Morphological features (see Tucker & Bryan 1956, 1966): - Similarities of S 1 -S 2 independant pronouns - Verbal intensive t- - Deverbative K - O-/E- or A-/E- Itive/Ventive and Neuter/Causative

CSD *VCV *kp *gb *ngb *Ñm SBB *(C)VCV *kp *gb / *g-u ? (*ngb

CSD *VCV *kp *gb *ngb *Ñm SBB *(C)VCV *kp *gb / *g-u ? (*ngb ? ) *Ñm MMD *(V)CV *kw-a/E/i *gw-Æ/i, (*g-u ? ) *ngw *Ñw-a/u LND *VCV *kp / *ts *gb / *dz *ngb / *ndz *m ? MAS *VCV *kw-a/Æ *g ? *ngw-a/Æ *Ñw-a/Æ ? MEF *(C)VCV *kp *? / *g-u ? *ngb ? KRS CSD labial-velar formulas

*¹ *Ê *ß * • *C *‰ CSD *VCV SBB *(C)VCV *ß * •

*¹ *Ê *ß * • *C *‰ CSD *VCV SBB *(C)VCV *ß * • *‰ MMD *VCV *ß * • *‰ LND *VCV MAS *VCV MEF *(C)VCV KRS *¹ *Ê *ß * • *C *‰ *ß / *b * • *‰ ? *ß *l *j CSD glottalized formulas

Similarities in the S 1 -S 2 forms of the independant pronouns *SBB S

Similarities in the S 1 -S 2 forms of the independant pronouns *SBB S 1 S 2 *má *(? )í MMD (Moru-Miza, Lugbara) ma mi LND (Ngiti, lendu) ma ñi/ne MAS (Mangbetu, Asua) ima imi MEF (Mamvu, Lese) umu ini KRS (Kresh, Aja) (a)ma (u)mu

 Verbal intensive t [SBB] Gula (Nougayrol 1999: 116 -117) àvà sauter távå (GS)

Verbal intensive t [SBB] Gula (Nougayrol 1999: 116 -117) àvà sauter távå (GS) sautiller ÀtÀ couper tÁtÄ (GM/GS/GZ) débiter, hacher „gå semer par poquets túgå (GS) retourner la terre ùndà battre túndå (GM/GS) rouer de coups [MMD] Logo (Vallaeys 1986: 284) t. V ‘préfixe au verbe monosyllabique, marquant la répétition ou l’intensité de l’action exprimée par le verbe’ tagò – gò plier terè – rè tordre todzá – dza tourner tufú – fu tuer [LND] ? ? ? [MAS] ? ? ? [MEF] Mamvu (Vorbichler 1971) (™- or ™i-? ) ÒdÄ ergreifen ™ÖdÁ ergreifen (vielfach) Öjà verjagen ™ìjå verjagen (viele, Pl. ) ºjù alt werden ™íj„ alt werden (viele, Pl. ) åmvù tränken, trinken ™ìmv„ tränken, trinken (viele, Pl. ) [KRS] ? ? ?

 Deverbative K- [SBB] Bagiro k-`/kì- > infinitives, and nouns/adjectives (Boyeldieu 2000: 126 -129)

Deverbative K- [SBB] Bagiro k-`/kì- > infinitives, and nouns/adjectives (Boyeldieu 2000: 126 -129) ìsÖ il tombe k-ìsÖ tomber àkÀ il est rouge k-àkÀ être rouge kàkÀ rougeur, rouge [MMD] Moru k-: formative of some adjectives (Tucker 1940: 286) (avukaya) ønzí (moru) kÒzi bad dÓ kadu good [LND] ? ? ? [MEF] Mamvu q-: deverbative function (Vorbichler, 1971: 194) å™ò lehren qà™ò Erzählung ÒlÖ süß sein qÖlÒ süß [MAS] Mangbetu k-/ku- > verbal nouns (Larochette 1958: 30 -31) -àdjí épouser nÁkàdjì mariage -àpáká se réserver nékùpàkà interdiction [KRS] Kresh g- > infinitives and adjectives (Santandrea 1976: 155, 189; Boyd, unpubl. ) g-øƒo to eat g-ulu to run (Santandrea) g-ìÑgì rouge g-èsè petit (Boyd)

 O-/E- or A-/E-: a. Itive/Ventive and b. Neuter/Causative [SBB] ? ? ? [MMD]:

O-/E- or A-/E-: a. Itive/Ventive and b. Neuter/Causative [SBB] ? ? ? [MMD]: Moru (Tucker, 1940: 205 -211, 360 -369) a. ø-sá arrive (there) Æsá arrive (here) Ö-'dÄ fall (away) Ä'dÄ fall (towards) b. o-mba grow up emba bring up o-ca be tall eca nourish [LND]: Ngiti (Kutsch Lojenga, 1994: 290 -293, 297 -299) a. ålàtå jump (itive) i¯làtå jump (ventive) ºtsùtå enter (itive) ¡tsùtå enter (ventive) b. ådzºtå be forgotten ¡dzòtå forget (something) º'cùtå dry (of fish) ¡'c„tå dry (fish) [MAS]: Mangbetu (Larochette, 1958: 27 -28, 183 -196) a. -Òmbá porter, conduire -Àmbá apporter, amener -Òkù repartir -Àkú revenir b. -òrú s’éveiller -èérú réveiller -Òmuá pourrir -Àámuá faire pourrir [MEF]: Mamvu (Vorbichler, 1971: 191, 199) a. òrº gehen Åré kommen Ònj¡ heimgehen Änjí heimkommen b. åmvù trinken ìmv„ tränken Òjå leuchten Ûjå erleuchten [KRS] ? ? ?

Conclusion If not (yet) decisive, strong indices in favour of the genetic unity of

Conclusion If not (yet) decisive, strong indices in favour of the genetic unity of CSD (except KRS? ) At least worthwhile to have a deeper look at the different points mentioned (consonants, morphology, and further ones? )

 ‘Ref. Lex’ project (Resp. Guillaume Segerer) Reference lexicons/dictionaries of African languages online Processing

‘Ref. Lex’ project (Resp. Guillaume Segerer) Reference lexicons/dictionaries of African languages online Processing tools comprising a CSD component (14 languages) (P. Boyeldieu, P. Nougayrol, G. Segerer) [SBB]: Modo, Bongo, Yulu, Sar, *SBB [MMD]: Ma’di, Logbara, Logo [LND]: Thadha (lendu), Bbadha (lendu) [MAS]: Mangbetu [MEF]: Mamvu, Lese [KRS]: Birri

The End

The End