GPSG HPSG LFG Jack Hoeksema Syntax in the

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GPSG, HPSG, LFG Jack Hoeksema

GPSG, HPSG, LFG Jack Hoeksema

Syntax in the 1970’s Rapid growth of transformations: Movement: Wh-movement, relativisation, topicalization, V 2,

Syntax in the 1970’s Rapid growth of transformations: Movement: Wh-movement, relativisation, topicalization, V 2, Subject-Aux inversion, Extraposition, Passivization, Raising to Subject, Raising to Object, Verb Raising, Quantifier Raising, clitic movement, etc. Deletion: Gapping, RNR, conjunction reduction, VPdeletion, have/be deletion, complementizer deletion, Equi-NP deletion

Leading to n Complex derivations, reaching their apex in generative semantics, with extremely abstract

Leading to n Complex derivations, reaching their apex in generative semantics, with extremely abstract underlying structures related to surface forms by a multitude of transformations

E. g. Postal 1970 ‘On the surface verb remind’ n me PERCEIVE [Larry SIMILAR

E. g. Postal 1970 ‘On the surface verb remind’ n me PERCEIVE [Larry SIMILAR Winston Churchill] => Larry reminds me of Winston Churchill

Emonds 1970 and 1976 n n n Limit the possibilities of transformations Structure-preserving transformations

Emonds 1970 and 1976 n n n Limit the possibilities of transformations Structure-preserving transformations only So: no tree-pruning, nor tree-building by means of transformations

Brame 1976: Conjectures and Refutations in Syntax and Semantics n n n Chain of

Brame 1976: Conjectures and Refutations in Syntax and Semantics n n n Chain of mutually dependent transformations: Equi-NP deletion, passive, raising to object If one falls, so will the others Making the transformational theory a house of cards

Bresnan 1978: Realistic syntax n n n Problem with 1960’s transformational syntax was lack

Bresnan 1978: Realistic syntax n n n Problem with 1960’s transformational syntax was lack of psycholinguistic support The theory of derivational complexity had fallen apart: it does not predict order of acquisition, nor ease of computation A more realistic theory would not use transformations in a model of online production

n Cf. Joan Bresnan, 1978, “A Realistic Transformational Grammar, ” in Morris Halle, Joan

n Cf. Joan Bresnan, 1978, “A Realistic Transformational Grammar, ” in Morris Halle, Joan Bresnan, and George A. Miller, eds. , Linguistic Theory and Psychological Reality, The MIT Press, (pp. 1 -59).

Local transformations or base structure? n n John was rescued by Mary < Mary

Local transformations or base structure? n n John was rescued by Mary < Mary rescued John (transformation) John was rumoured to be gay (*they rumour John to be gay) *A Toyota was had by John (< John had a Toyota) Alternative: two base structures

Like so: S NP Mary VP V NP rescued John

Like so: S NP Mary VP V NP rescued John

and so S NP John VP V was VP V rescued PP P NP

and so S NP John VP V was VP V rescued PP P NP by Mary

The main problem n n Long distance movement Could not be done away by

The main problem n n Long distance movement Could not be done away by nontransformational means in the same way as the local transformations

Gazdar 1979 (=1981) n Long-distance dependencies without movement by recursive featurepassing

Gazdar 1979 (=1981) n Long-distance dependencies without movement by recursive featurepassing

Introducing slash features S NP John S/NP NP we VP/NP V NP/NP like [e]

Introducing slash features S NP John S/NP NP we VP/NP V NP/NP like [e]

And so on S NP John S/NP NP we VP/NP V reckon S/NP NP

And so on S NP John S/NP NP we VP/NP V reckon S/NP NP Fred VP/NP prefers NP/NP [e]

GPSG: Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar n n Let G be a context-free grammar For

GPSG: Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar n n Let G be a context-free grammar For each rule A -> B C add new rules A/D -> B C/D and A/D -> B/D C (metarule) And as well as: X/X -> [e] (for all X) (slash termination) And: S -> XP S/XP (slash introduction)

Bonus n n Coordinate Structure Constraint for free No need for Across-the-Board convention Beans,

Bonus n n Coordinate Structure Constraint for free No need for Across-the-Board convention Beans, I like but Mary despises. *Beans, I like salad but Mary despises.

Recursive feature passing needed elsewhere in the grammar n n n E. g. [+rel]:

Recursive feature passing needed elsewhere in the grammar n n n E. g. [+rel]: The boy who stole the bike The boy whose brother’s girlfriend stole the bike All bikes the colour of the handlebars of which is blue The boy about whose brother we are speaking

A sample tree with feature passing NP NP S’ Det N the boy PP[rel]

A sample tree with feature passing NP NP S’ Det N the boy PP[rel] P about S’/PP[rel] NP Det[rel] N whose brother we VP/PP V are VP/PP V PP/PP speaking [e]

Similarities with slash n n The boy whose brother and whose sister were abducted

Similarities with slash n n The boy whose brother and whose sister were abducted *The boy whose brother and Jim were abducted

Properties of GPSG n n Heavy use of features Metarules, next to regular PS

Properties of GPSG n n Heavy use of features Metarules, next to regular PS rules Later stages: separation of Immediate Dominance from Linear Precedence General feature passing mechanisms: Head Feature Convention and Foot Feature Principle

Separating ID from LP n n PP -> P NP PP -> P PP

Separating ID from LP n n PP -> P NP PP -> P PP VP -> V NP VP -> V PP (in the car) (from behind the car) (drive into the garage) Or: XP -> X, YP (ID) and X < YP (LP)

OUT: XP XP and XP/YP

OUT: XP XP and XP/YP

And out: XP XP[rel] and XP

And out: XP XP[rel] and XP

Note: n n Not all features “count” for coordination, only foot features do Masculine

Note: n n Not all features “count” for coordination, only foot features do Masculine + feminine is OK (la femme et l’homme sont venus) Singular + plural is OK (the boy and the girls are in the yard) First and second person is OK (Me and you, we are a good team)

Later developments n n n HPSG: Head-driven phrase structure grammar (1984 – 2005), deriving

Later developments n n n HPSG: Head-driven phrase structure grammar (1984 – 2005), deriving from the dissertation of Carl Pollard Adopts the idea from categorial grammar that PS-rules can be discarded because the selection information of lexical heads predicts phrase structure Is used frequently in computational linguistics

LFG: Lexical Functional Grammar n n Joan Bresnan 1980 -2005

LFG: Lexical Functional Grammar n n Joan Bresnan 1980 -2005

Properties n n Two levels of structure C-structure (tree) F-structure (representation of grammatical functions)

Properties n n Two levels of structure C-structure (tree) F-structure (representation of grammatical functions) Mappings between C-structure and Fstructure