A Corpus Study of Kasama Companion in Tagalog

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A Corpus Study of Kasama ‘Companion’ in Tagalog Sergei Klimenko Institute for Linguistic Research,

A Corpus Study of Kasama ‘Companion’ in Tagalog Sergei Klimenko Institute for Linguistic Research, Russian Academy of Sciences Saint Petersburg State University The 16 th Conference on Typology and Grammar for Young Scholars 21 -23 November 2019 Saint Petersburg This study was funded by the Russian Science Foundation (project no. 18 -78 -10058 “Grammatical periphery in the languages of the world: a typological study of caritives”).

Outline • Why kasama? • Data • Overview of Tagalog grammar • Composition of

Outline • Why kasama? • Data • Overview of Tagalog grammar • Composition of the sample • Special properties of ka-nouns • Variation of properties in kasama-clauses • Adjunct clauses vs. Adverbials & Prepositions • Conclusion

1. Comitative verbs in Tagalog • maki-/paki-verbs in Tagalog, described as comitative. • Outside

1. Comitative verbs in Tagalog • maki-/paki-verbs in Tagalog, described as comitative. • Outside the scope of Arkhipov’s definition of comitative: • Morphosyntactic constructions with two individual participants (the core participant and the non-obligatory comitative participant) with the same semantic role expressed separately and with different structural ranks without repetition of the predicate denoting the situation (Arkhipov 2009: 224).

2. Kasama ‘companion’ • Biclausal comitative constructions with kasama • Fitting Arkhipov’s definition much

2. Kasama ‘companion’ • Biclausal comitative constructions with kasama • Fitting Arkhipov’s definition much better. • Briefly mentioned by Liao in typological study on maki-/paki-verbs in Philippine languages (2011: 206). • No data major descriptions of Tagalog (Schachter&Otanes 1972; Shkarban&Rachkov 2007; De Vos 2011; Malicsi 2013). • Not included in another typological study on comitativity that has Tagalog in the sample (Stolz, Stroh & Urdze 2006).

3. Data • Sketchengine. eu: Tagalog (Filipino) Web 2019 (tl. Ten 19) online corpus

3. Data • Sketchengine. eu: Tagalog (Filipino) Web 2019 (tl. Ten 19) online corpus (Jakubíček et al. 2013), 230 million tokens. • 1, 000 sentence random sample from 146, 811 tokens of kasama.

4. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Case Marking • Non-personal substantives & demonstratives: NOM, GEN,

4. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Case Marking • Non-personal substantives & demonstratives: NOM, GEN, OBL. • Personal nouns & personal pronouns: NOM, ACT, NACT.

5. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Inversion Constructions: Topicalization, Fronting, Non-emphatic Inversion (Rachkov 1966; Schachter&Otanes

5. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Inversion Constructions: Topicalization, Fronting, Non-emphatic Inversion (Rachkov 1966; Schachter&Otanes 1972: 485 -500; Frolova 1983; Shkarban 1989: 93; Himmelmann 1991: 10; Kroeger 1993 b: 123 -124; Reid&Liao 2004: 447; Nagaya 2007: 353 ; Lee&Billings 2008: 246): (1) Siya ay isa=ng 3 SG. NOM TOP one=LK ‘He is a real friend…’ tunay genuine na LK kaibigan… friend

6. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: na/=ng , nang (Schachter&Otanes 1972): • Fully reduplicated

6. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: na/=ng , nang (Schachter&Otanes 1972): • Fully reduplicated intensive • Attributivizer adjectival forms • Relativizer • Some conjunctions • Complementizer • Adverbial phrases • Quantifiers • Existential predicates + arguments • Adverbial clauses • Prohibitive marker huwag

7. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: na/=ng , nang (Schachter&Otanes 1972): • Adverbials (point-time,

7. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: na/=ng , nang (Schachter&Otanes 1972): • Adverbials (point-time, frequency, manner, measure) • Fully reduplicated intensive forms of verbs • Some prepositions • Adverbial clauses

8. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: distribution • Based on (Schachter&Otanes 1972): na/=ng nang

8. Overview of Tagalog grammar: Linkers: distribution • Based on (Schachter&Otanes 1972): na/=ng nang no linker topicalization paminsan-minsan ‘sometimes’ yes yes lagi ‘always’ yes no no no tatlo=ng oras ‘three hours’ no yes no no pagkatapos ng/ang ‘after’ no no yes dahil sa ‘because of’ no yes yes

9. Composition of the sample • ka-sama [SHR-join] - • • comrade'/'associate' 12 ‘bad'

9. Composition of the sample • ka-sama [SHR-join] - • • comrade'/'associate' 12 ‘bad' 4 metalinguistic use 2 magkasama 'two companions' 3 ka-usap [SHR-converse] ‘interlocutor’ ka-edad [SHR-age] ‘age mate’ bad data ka-tabi [SHR-side] ‘seat mate’ ka-talik [SHR-intimacy] ‘sex partner’ independent use (De Vos 2011: 83) 93 430 substantive constructions 75 attributive constructions 85 clausal constructions 296 total 1000

10. Independent use: (2) Kasama=nila=rito ang pinsan companion=3 PL. ACT=PROX. OBL NOM cousin ‘The

10. Independent use: (2) Kasama=nila=rito ang pinsan companion=3 PL. ACT=PROX. OBL NOM cousin ‘The prophet’s cousin is with them here…’ ng GEN propeta… prophet

11. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal (3) …inip na sabi ni Ace na impatient

11. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal (3) …inip na sabi ni Ace na impatient LK said PRS. SG. ACT PN LK kasama=ng ngiti sa labi. companion=LK smile OBL lip ‘…Ace said impatiently with a smile on her lips. ’ may EXIST

12. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal (4) Nood at support=po=kayo sa watch[AV. IMP] and

12. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal (4) Nood at support=po=kayo sa watch[AV. IMP] and support[AV. IMP]=HON=2 PL. NOM OBL bago=ng serye na kasama ang pinsan=ko new=LK series LK companion NOM cousin=1 SG. ACT na si Ms. Sunshine. LK PRS. SG. NOM PN ‘Watch and support the new series with my cousin Ms. Sunshine. ’

13. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal comitative depictive predicative event complement oriented zero argument

13. Dependent use: substantive, attributive, clausal comitative depictive predicative event complement oriented zero argument total verbs 184 16 12 3 - 215 verbals 24 2 2 0 - 28 non-verbals 33 7 1 0 12 53 total 296

14. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (5) …nag-punta si Joseph,

14. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (5) …nag-punta si Joseph, Mary at Jesus kasama AV. PFV. STEM-go PRS. SG. NOM PN PN and PN companion ng kanila=ng mga kamag-anak sa Jerusalem… GEN 3 PL. ACT=LK PL relative OBL PLN ‘Joseph, Mary and Jesus went to Jerusalem with their relatives…’

15. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (6) Nag-mukmok=na=lamang=ako sa kwarto

15. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (6) Nag-mukmok=na=lamang=ako sa kwarto AV. PFV. STEM-sulk=already=only=1 SG. NOM OBL room kasama ng akin=g mga libro. companion GEN 1 SG. ACT=LK PL book ‘I just sulked in my room together with my books. ’

16. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (7) …hindi=siya nam-u~muhay NEG=3

16. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (7) …hindi=siya nam-u~muhay NEG=3 SG. NOM AV. IPFV. STEM-IPFV~live nang kasama=sila… LK companion=3 PL. NOM ‘…he does not live with them. ’

(8) 17. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument …nan-awagan sa mga

(8) 17. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument …nan-awagan sa mga deboto=ng mag-si-balik-an AV. PFV. STEM-call OBL PL devotee=LK AV. STEM-PL-return-SOC sa mga barikada at mag-bantay, kasama OBL PL barricade and AV. STEM-guard companion wari ang panalangin=g sana ay kasi-han=sila apparently NOM prayer=LK OPT TOP protect-UV[INF] ng kalangitan. GEN heavens ‘…(they) called devotees to return to the barricades and to keep guard, apparently, together with the prayer that the heavens hopefully protect them. ’

18. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (9) …boring si Ethan

18. Clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument (9) …boring si Ethan kasama sa PRS. SG. NOM PN companion OBL ‘…Ethan is boring to be with at the condo. ’ (17) Malakas k<um>anta si strong <AV>sing[INF] ‘Petra sings loudly. ’ 1972: 249) condo. Petra. PRS. SG. NOM PN (Schachter & Otanes

19. Special properties of ka- nouns: “Adj + V complex predicates”, reduplication (10) …boring

19. Special properties of ka- nouns: “Adj + V complex predicates”, reduplication (10) …boring si Ethan kasama sa PRS. SG. NOM PN companion OBL ‘…Ethan is boring to be with at the condo. ’ condo. (Kroeger 1993 b: 141 -144; Schachter&Otanes 1972: 248 -249): (11) Malakas k<um>anta si Petra. strong <AV>sing[INF] PRS. SG. NOM PN ‘Petra sings loudly. ’ (Schachter & Otanes 1972: 249)

20. Special properties of ka- nouns: “Adj + V complex predicates”, reduplication (12) Tulog~tulog=lang

20. Special properties of ka- nouns: “Adj + V complex predicates”, reduplication (12) Tulog~tulog=lang g<in>awa=niya whole day. ITER~sleep=only NOM <PFV>do[UV]=3 SG. ACT ‘He has just been sleeping for the whole day. ’ (13) …sakop ang buo=ng table ng mga libro~libro=nila… covered NOM whole=LK GEN PL DISTR~book=3 PL. ACT ‘…the whole table was covered with their books…’ (14) Siya ang kala~ka-laro ni Concha. 3 SG. NOM ITER~SHR-play PRS. SG. ACT PN ‘Concha’s playmate was him. ’

21. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (15) …kasama=naman ng Xbox na

21. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (15) …kasama=naman ng Xbox na companion=EMPH GEN LK ng amin=g auntie sa States GEN 1 PL. ACT=LK OBL ng CD ng basketball, . . GEN p<in>a-dala sa amin <PFV>CAUS-carry[UV] 1 PL. NACT ay nag-karoon=kami TOP AV. PFV. STEM-acquire=1 PL. NOM GEN ‘…together with the Xbox that our auntie in the States sent to us, we got a basketball CD, . . ’

22. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers GEN/ACT OBL/NACT attributive (additive) 14

22. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers GEN/ACT OBL/NACT attributive (additive) 14 27 0 clausal (verb) 135 72 2 clausal (verbal) 23 6 0 clausal (non-verbal) 27 10 1 total 115 36% 3 1% NOM 199 63%

23. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers ø na/=ng nang attributive 45

23. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers ø na/=ng nang attributive 45 39 0 clausal (verb) 182 30 3 clausal (verbal) 26 3 0 clausal (non-verbal)35 6 0 total 78 21% 3 1% 288 78%

24. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (16) …sigaw ni Tony sabay

24. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (16) …sigaw ni Tony sabay labas shout PRS. SG. ACT PN simultaneous exit ng kwarto… GEN room ‘…Tony shouted, leaving the room. ’ (17) …sabi=niya na sabay pikit… said=3 SG. ACT LK simultaneous close_eyes ‘…he said, closing his eyes…’

25. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (18) Nag-kita=kami tatlo=ng AV. PFV.

25. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers (18) Nag-kita=kami tatlo=ng AV. PFV. RECP-see=1 PL. NOM three=LK l<um>ipas. <AV>pass[PFV] ‘We met three years ago. ’ taon=na year=already ang NOM

26. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers • The only type of

26. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers • The only type of adverbial clauses in (Schachter&Otanes 1972: 544 -545): (19) <um>alis=siya nang/=ng hindi=niya na-kita <AV>leave[PFV]=3 SG. NOM LK/LK NEG=3 SG. ACT PFV. MOD-see[UV] ang prinsipal. NOM principal ‘He left without having seen the principal. ’ • Not controlled adverbial clauses (Nagaya 2004: 130): (20) T<um>akbo=siya nang naka-hubad=ako. <AV>run[PFV]=3 SG. NOM LK STAT-naked=1 SG. NOM ‘He/She ran when I was naked. ’

27. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers • Сaritive with kasama: (21)

27. Variation of properties: constituent order, argument marking, linkers • Сaritive with kasama: (21) …never=pa=niya=ng na-gawa na ma-tulog sa never=yet=3 SG. ACT=LK PFV. MOD-do[UV] LK AV. INF. STEM-sleep OBL iba=ng bahay na hindi kasama asawa=nya… other=LK house LK NEG companion spouse=3 SG. ACT ‘…she has never slept in another house without her husband…’

28. Adjunct clauses vs. Adverbials & Prepositions na/=ng yes nang yes no linker yes

28. Adjunct clauses vs. Adverbials & Prepositions na/=ng yes nang yes no linker yes topicalization yes lagi ‘always’ tatlo=ng oras ‘three hours’ yes no no pagkatapos ng/ang ‘after’ dahil sa ‘because of’ no no yes yes yes paminsan-minsan ‘sometimes’

29. Conclusion: • Biclausal comitative constructions with kasama mentioned but no descriptions. • A

29. Conclusion: • Biclausal comitative constructions with kasama mentioned but no descriptions. • A variety of construction in the corpus: • • independent vs. dependent independent: additive vs. inclusory, predicative vs. substantive, animacy agreement. dependent: substantive, attributive, clausal: comitative, depictive, predicative complement, event oriented, zero argument. • Variation of properties: • constituent order: right periphery, topicalization, non-emphatic inversion, discontinuous. • argument marking: nominative, genitive/actor, oblique/non-actor. • linkers: na/=ng, nang, ø. • Grammaticalized as a preposition? • Ka-nouns are different from other nouns: • “Adj + V complex predicate” construction • reduplication iterative

30. Abbreviations: 1, first person; 2, second person; 3, third person; ACT, actor form;

30. Abbreviations: 1, first person; 2, second person; 3, third person; ACT, actor form; AV, actor voice; CAUS, causative; DISTR, distributive; EMPH, emphatic; EXIST, existential; GEN, genitive; HON, honorific; INF, infinitive; IMP, imperative; IPFV, imperfective; ITER, iterative; LK, linker; MOD, modal; NACT, non-actor form; NEG, negative; NOM, nominative; OBL, oblique; OPT, optative; PFV, perfective; PL, plural; PLN, place name; PN, personal name; PROSP, prospective; PROX, proximal; PRS, personal; RECP, reciprocal; SG, singular; SHR, shared notion; SOC, social; STAT, stative; STEM, stem-deriving prefix; TOP, topic marker; UV, undergoer voice.

31. References: • Arkhipov, Alexandre. 2009. Comitative as a cross-linguistically valid category. New Challenges

31. References: • Arkhipov, Alexandre. 2009. Comitative as a cross-linguistically valid category. New Challenges in Typology: Transcending the Borders and Refining the Distinctions, Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 217, ed. by Patience Epps and Alexandre Arkhipov, 223 -246. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. • De Vos, Fiona. 2011. Essential Tagalog Grammar. Second Edition. A Reference for Learners of Tagalog. • Frolova, Elena G. 1983. К вопросу о служебных словах ang и ay в тагальском языке [On function words ang and ay in Tagalog]. Voprosy vostochnogo iazykoznaniia [Topics in the study of oriental languages], 240 -246. Moscow: Nauka. • Jakubíček, Miloš, Adam Kilgarriff, Vojtěch Kovář, Pavel Rychlý, Vít Suchomel. 2013. The Ten corpus family. 7 th International Corpus Linguistics Conference CL, 125 -127. Lancaster. • Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. 1991. The Philippine Challenge to Universal Grammar. Arbeitspapier Nr. 15 (Neue Folge). Köln: Institute für Sprachwissenschaft, Universität zu Köln. • Kroeger, Paul. 1993 b. Phrase Structure and Grammatical Relations in Tagalog. Stanford, CA: CSLI. • Lee, Celeste, and Loren Billings. 2008. Clitic-pronoun clusters in Central Philippine. SEALS XIV, Volume 1, Papers from the 14 th Annual meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 2004, ed. by Wilaiwan Khanittanan and Paul Sidwell, 193203. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. • Liao, Hsiu-chuan. 2011. On the development of comitatitve verbs in Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics 12. 1: 205 -237.

32. References: • Malicsi, Jonathan C. 2013. Gramar ng Filipino. Quezon City: Sentro ng

32. References: • Malicsi, Jonathan C. 2013. Gramar ng Filipino. Quezon City: Sentro ng Wikang Filipino. • Nagaya, Naonori. 2007. Information structure and constituent order in Tagalog. Language and Linguistics 81: 343 -372. • Rachkov, Gennadij E. 1966. Служебное слово ay в тагальском языке [Function word ay in Tagalog]. Исследования по филологии стран Азии и Африки [Studies in Philology of Asian and African Countries], 89 -94. Leningrad: Leningrad State University. • Reid, Lawrence A. , and Hsiu-chuan Liao. 2004. A brief syntactic typology of Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics 5. 2: 433 -490. • Schachter, Paul, and Fe T. Otanes. 1972. Tagalog Reference Grammar. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press. • Shkarban, Lina I. 1989. Порядок слов в тагальском языке [Word order in Tagalog]. Очерки Типологии Порядка Слов [Sketches on Word Order Typology], 75 -108. Moscow: Nauka. • Shkarban, Lina I. , and Gennadij E. Rachkov. 2007. Reciprocal, sociative, and comitative constructions in Tagalog. Typology of Reciprocal Constructions, 887 -932. Nedjalkov Vladimir P. Amsterdam: Benjamins Publ. • Stolz, Thomas, Cornelia Stroh, and Aina Urdze. 2006. On Comitatives and Related Categories: A Typological Study with Special Focus on the Languages of Europe. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.