Passive constructions Anna Siewierska Lancaster University Passives 1

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Passive constructions Anna Siewierska (Lancaster University) Passives 1

Passive constructions Anna Siewierska (Lancaster University) Passives 1

A characterization: Siewierska (2005) • • • A construction has been classified as passive

A characterization: Siewierska (2005) • • • A construction has been classified as passive if it displays the following characteristics It contrasts with another construction, the active The subject of the active corresponds to an oblique phrase or is not overtly expressed The subject of the passive if there is one, corresponds to the direct object of the active The construction is pragmatically restricted relative to the active The construction displays some special morphological marking of the verb Passives 2

Swahili a. Hamisi a-li-pika chakula Hamisi 3 sg-past-cook food `Hamisi cooked the/some food. ’

Swahili a. Hamisi a-li-pika chakula Hamisi 3 sg-past-cook food `Hamisi cooked the/some food. ’ b. Chakula ki-li-pika-wa (na food 3 sg-past-cook-pass by `The food was cooked by Hamisi. ’ Passives Hamisi) Hamisi 3

WALS : 373 lgs; 162 vs. 211 Passives 4

WALS : 373 lgs; 162 vs. 211 Passives 4

Passive prototype: Shibatani (1985: 837) An overt agent is not an integral part of

Passive prototype: Shibatani (1985: 837) An overt agent is not an integral part of the passive • Primary pragmatic function: agent defocusing • Semantic properties: • • • Semantic valence: predicate (agent, patient) Subject: affected Syntactic properties • Encoding: agent Ø patient subject Passives 5

Preference for agentless • • Xiao et al (2004) English get 8. 5%; English

Preference for agentless • • Xiao et al (2004) English get 8. 5%; English be 10. 8%: Sanso (2006); Old Italian reflexive 15. 7%; Old Italian periphrastic 24. 1% Keresztes (1998) Vogul (27%) Nikolaeva (1999) Ostyak (43%) Passives 6

Passive subjects • • • Prototype = patient Other semantic roles, e. g. recipient,

Passive subjects • • • Prototype = patient Other semantic roles, e. g. recipient, beneficiary, locative etc. • My sister was given an incredible raise in salary. No subject =impersonal Passives 7

Icelandic a. Stulkan var lamin i girl: nom was beaten: f: sg: nom in

Icelandic a. Stulkan var lamin i girl: nom was beaten: f: sg: nom in `The girl was badly beaten. ’ b. Það var lamið stulkuna it was hit: neut: sg: acc girl: acc `The girl was badly beaten. ’ Passives klessu mess i klessu in mess 8

Pragmatic restrictions • • • Passives less frequent than actives Passives are felicitous only

Pragmatic restrictions • • • Passives less frequent than actives Passives are felicitous only under certain conditions Passives vs. Philippine focus structures Passives 9

Cebuano a. Mo-palit AF-buy `The man b. Palit-on buy-GF `The man ang tawo ug

Cebuano a. Mo-palit AF-buy `The man b. Palit-on buy-GF `The man ang tawo ug Top man a will buy a book. ’ (sa tawo) ang the man Top will buy the book. Passives libro book 10

Against Ph. Focus as passive • • they exhibit a very high text frequency;

Against Ph. Focus as passive • • they exhibit a very high text frequency; the agent is typically overt and manifests some properties associated with syntactic arguments as opposed to adjuncts; they are semantically highly transitive in the sense of Hopper & Thompson (1980); and the verb does not exhibit special marking, as it is also marked in the actor focus construction. Passives 11

Verbal marking • • periphrastic vs. synthetic: origin of marker • • Former auxiliary

Verbal marking • • periphrastic vs. synthetic: origin of marker • • Former auxiliary Reflexive marker Generalized human subject no verbal marking? Passives 12

Three domains: Givon (1984) • • • Topicalization Agent defocusing (impersonalization) Detransitivization Passives 13

Three domains: Givon (1984) • • • Topicalization Agent defocusing (impersonalization) Detransitivization Passives 13

Topicalization • • Not a necessary characteristic In some languages passives are similar to

Topicalization • • Not a necessary characteristic In some languages passives are similar to • • OVS OV-s Passives 14

Agent defocusing • • Active: The agent is more topical than the patient but

Agent defocusing • • Active: The agent is more topical than the patient but the patient retains considerable topicality. Passive The patient is more topical than the agent and the agent is extremely non-topical (suppressed, demoted). Passives 15

Inverse • The direct voice is used if the agent is more topical or

Inverse • The direct voice is used if the agent is more topical or ontologically salient than the patient, and the inverse if the patient is more topical or ontologically salient than the agent. Traditionally the more salient or topical participant is called the proximate and the less salient or topical one the obviative Passives 16

Inverse Plains Cree (Wolfart 1973: 25) a. sekih-ew napew antim-wa scare-dir man: prox dog-obv

Inverse Plains Cree (Wolfart 1973: 25) a. sekih-ew napew antim-wa scare-dir man: prox dog-obv `The man scares the dog. ' b. sekih-ik napew-a antim scare-inv man-obv dog: prox `The man scares the dog. ' Passives 17

Active, Passive, Inverse • • • Active: The agent is more topical than the

Active, Passive, Inverse • • • Active: The agent is more topical than the patient but the patient retains considerable topicality. Inverse The patient is more topical than the agent but the agent retains considerable topicality. Passive The patient is more topical than the agent and the agent is extremely non-topical (suppressed, demoted). Passives 18

Active impersonal Portuguese Cortase cabelos às terças Cut: pres: 3 sg refl: 3 sg

Active impersonal Portuguese Cortase cabelos às terças Cut: pres: 3 sg refl: 3 sg hair: pl on Tuesdays `One cuts hair on Tuesdays. '…………… Polish W szkole Piotrowi często dokucza-no in school Peter: dat often make fun: imper ‘At school, Peter was often made fun of. ’ Passives 19

Detransitivizing Anticausatives a. The wind broke the branch. b. The branch broke. Spontaneous (uncontrolled)

Detransitivizing Anticausatives a. The wind broke the branch. b. The branch broke. Spontaneous (uncontrolled) Polish Odbiło mi się hit: neut: 3 sg I: dat refl `I hiccupped. ’ Passives 20

Voice • Narrow view of voice: • • • Active vs. passive vs. middle

Voice • Narrow view of voice: • • • Active vs. passive vs. middle (reflexive/reciprocal) vs. inverse Broad view of voice; (Leningrad School (diathesis, Kulikov 2007; Croft 2001; Langacker 2004; Shibatani 2006) Voice is primarily concerned with the way event participants are involved in actions, and with the communicative value, or discourse relevance pertaining to the event participants for the nature of this involvement (Shibatani 2006: 219) 1 – multiparticipant events Passives 21

Voice: Shibatani 2006 Origin Development Termination Spontaneous Passive Causative Inverse Middle Antipassive Desiderative Potential

Voice: Shibatani 2006 Origin Development Termination Spontaneous Passive Causative Inverse Middle Antipassive Desiderative Potential Benefactive Applicative External Possessor Resultative Passives 22

Parameters of variation • Synchronic • • The agent The subject Verbal morphology Diachronic

Parameters of variation • Synchronic • • The agent The subject Verbal morphology Diachronic • • • Origin of verbal marking Origin of agent marking Degree of grammaticalization Passives 23

The grammaticalization clines • • • Phonological change P: Attrition: reduction > erosion >

The grammaticalization clines • • • Phonological change P: Attrition: reduction > erosion > loss S: Fusion: Free > clitic > affix > zero Morpho-syntactic change P. obligatorification > fossilization > morphological loss S. rigidification [word order] Semantic functional change P. extension of semantic range > loss of function S. idiomaticization: compositional & analyzable > noncompositional & analyzable > unanalyzable Passives 24