The Diachrony of Ditransitive Verbs Elly van Gelderen

The Diachrony of Ditransitive Verbs Elly van Gelderen 4 December 2016 Arizona Linguistic Circle

Assumptions and outline Telic/durative/stative aspect remains stable, e. g. unaccusative > copula and causative; unergative > transitive. Verbs with Experiencers are less stable, possibly because the animacy hierarchy gets out of balance. In this talk: Ditransitives are among the more complex telic verbs and this talk explores what we can learn from their history.

Main conclusions will be about basic causativity and changes in theta-roles, e. g: Many derive from Old English telic verbs, i. e. causatives and unaccusatives. The causative (with Causer and Theme) has an optional PP which gets integrated as Goal, e. g. send, bring, pass. One causative verb, feed, changes into a durative one. The give-kind stays stable. Methodology: Visser etc, MED, DOE, OED, COCA, etc. First, background on aspect; then, ditransitives.

Grammatical and lexical aspect Grammatical encoded in the grammar -ing in English, ge-ed – lexical connected to the V fall vs walk, particles, light verbs Lexical > grammatical (Robertson & Law 2009) Grammatical can shift lexical, e. g. past tense in (1): (1) He ate the turkey. But not always, e. g. imperfective over state: (2) *I am seeing the blue sky (for hours)

Three basic lexical aspects a. b. c. unaccusative, causative: telic/Theme (Causer), e. g. drop, break unergative, transitive: durative/Agent (Theme), e. g. dance copula, experiencer subjects: stative/Theme (Experiencer), e. g. feel

telic – durative - stative telic centers around a Theme (1) The vase broke – The wind broke the vase unaccusative causative durative centers around an Agent (2) The president danced – She danced the dance unergative transitive stative has a Theme and experiencer (3) I feared it - It appeared evil subject experiencer copula

Acquisition Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of aspectual verb classes very early on. Thus, –ed morphemes go with non-durative events, -ing with durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with stative verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e. g. Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a telic verb correlates with the presence of –ed and that –ing is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs.

Eve (Brown 1973) at 1; 6 unaccusative block broke (Neil) sit down, busy, gone Mommy down, open come down, sit down, fall down (finger) stuck lie down stool unergative transitive other (fish are) swimming Eve pencil that radio wait, play, cook I did it look Eve/you find it Eve writing see ya stand dance doll eat celery Mommy step read the puzzle Mommy swing? change her man (no) taste it get her/it fix (it)/ Mommy fix bring it want Mommy letter write a paper man/papa have it (you) find it play (step)

Adam (Brown 1973) has drawing at 2; 7 and drawed at 4; 3, as expected, but many factors are involved.

Argument Structure and change Since argument structure is often seen as the least variable part of language, it makes sense to ask what we can learn from change: how systematic is it? The language learner has an active role in language change. If a verb becomes ambiguous, as happens with morphological erosion or aspectual coercion, the learner may analyze it in a different way from the speakers s/he is listening to, and this bias is interesting.

Language change Unaccusative > (labile) causative: (1) æfter gereordunge hi æmtian after repast they empty heora rædingum oððe on sealmum. to their reading. DAT. P or to psalm. DAT. P ‘After repast, they free themselves for readings or psalms. ’ (2) Hugo empties his pockets of screws, springs, and other tiny metal pieces. (COCA 2012)

Unergative to transitive: (3) seomað steap and geap, stigeð on hangs steep and high, rises in lenge, clymmeð on gecyndo length, climbs in nature. `it hangs steep and high and rises and climbs in nature. ’ (4) To climbe þe cludes all þe sunn sal haf þe might. `To climb the clouds the sun shall have the power. ’

Argument structure as pre-linguistic Argument structure and lexical aspect are at the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system (FLB) and not restricted to the language faculty. Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether. ”

Ditransitives Current analysis, e. g. Harley (2002)

But many uncertainties Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2008): Caused motion only with DP PP of the send/throw type; the others caused possession. Give lacks Path and its to Goal must be animate: (1) Where did you throw/*give the ball? (2) I *gave the package to the mailbox. Why the two options with give? Information Structure or heaviness?

Acquisition Adam, 2; 3. 4 Adam 2; 6. 17 I may give some URSULA: do you want to give doggie give one to Cromer? give paper pencil give dat Cromer. give doggie paper give one Cromer. Adam, 2; 11. 28 URSULA: going to give it to Robin? I going give Robin dat pencil. I going put it outside give it to fish.

One basic pattern is chosen send that to Robin (Adam 3; 3. 4) send out. (Adam 3; 3. 18) send mine to Italy (Adam 4; 7) No DP DP till almost 5 years when the files stop.

Causative (Causer) or durative (Agent)? (1) a. Prime. Time deliberately gave this couple obscure directions (COCA spoken 1992) b. He's saying that they deliberately gave bad information to the Congressional Budget Office (COCA spoken 2014). (2) a. it's moving in many ways as you see that people like this boy deliberately gave their lives for their causes (COCA spoken 2003) b. You write that you feel that God deliberately sent you to prison (COCA spoken 1996).

Causers and Experiencers (3) a. this gave you, perhaps, better opportunities and better jobs (COCA spoken 2015). b. this gave him extra stature (COCA spoken 2013). (4) *This gave an idea to him. (5) The method taught her Chinese. EXP

Can we find evidence in the diachrony?

Old English ditransitives Mitchell (1985), Koopman (1990; 1993), Allen (1995; 2006), Mc. Fadden (2002), and De Cuypere (2015): -DP (acc) DP (dat) similar frequency to DP (dat) DP (acc) -DP (acc) DP (dat) > DP PP -DP PP occurs in OE when the IO is inanimate (1) Willelm cyng geaf Rodberd-e eorl-e þone earldom Willelm king gave. Rodberd-DAT earl-DAT that. ACC earldom `King William gave Earl Rodberd an earldom. ’ (Peterborough Chronicle entry for the year 1068)

(2) (3) & man agife ælce teoðunge to þam and one give each tithing to that ealdan mynstre old monastery `And one should give every tenth to that old monastery. ’ (DOE, Liebermann Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 194 -8. 1. 1) þæt gafol þæt mon to Rome sellan sceolde that tax that one to Rome give should `The tax that they owed to Rome. ’ (Bately, Orosius 141. 21)

Questions 1. 2. 3. 4. What is the inner aspect of ditransitives and theta-roles? Has this changed? If so, how? What is the role of to?

Originally ditransitive? in OE: ask yes, DP DP (both accusative) bring no: causative in OE `cause to come’ feed no: causative in OE give yes lend yes say yes, often no IO and to-DP sell `give’ yes send no: causative take no, transitive (first ditr. 1488) teach `show; teach’ no: causative throw no, unaccusative

Middle English; ditransitive? loan 1200 (from the noun) yes; PP (of) DP show 1225 no: PV in OE; causative in ME pay 1225 (from Anglo-Norman) yes, but often no IO serve 1250 (from Anglo-Norman) yes, but often no DO award 1386 (from Anglo-Norman) yes render 1393 (from Anglo-Norman) yes, but often no IO rent 1400 (from Anglo-Norman) no: transitive `to endow’ refund 1409 (from Anglo-Norman) yes repay 1462 (from Anglo-Norman) yes pass 1512 (from Anglo-Norman) no: unacc/caus 1225 trade 1548 (conversion from the Low German noun) no: tr. lease 1579 (from Anglo-Norman) yes; DP PP (with out) advance 1582 (from Anglo-Norman) no: transitive use 1250 peddle 1650, backformation from peddler no: unergative, later transitive

Last occurrence; ditransitive? lædan `lead’ lænan `lend’ lætan `let’ leon `lend’ - yes, DP to-PP `cause to go’ yes (acquired –d in ME) yes leanian `reward’ learnian ‘teach’ (ge)unnan `grant’ (ge)dælan `divide’ cweðan `speak’ (a)lyfan ’give’ weorpan `throw’ gieldan `give’ OE 1200 1330 1500 1540 - yes; also clausal DO no, in/transitive, without IO yes; dative IO and genitive DO yes; also without IO and labile yes; DP PP and DP DP yes no, transitive yes; also without IO

Of the ditransitives I’ve looked at 24 out of 37 are originally ditransitive. (a) Stable argument structure of many of these verbs, (b) variation between ditransitive and transitive, (c) some are causative, and (d) many of the verbs have perfective prefixes, e. g. agifan, geleanian, gesellan, and gelendan, and many are rendered as light verbs. The causatives involve bring, feed, teach, send, and lædan, the alternating transitive ones say, cweðan `speak’, pay, serve, render, dælan, `divide’, and gieldan `give’, and the earlier transitives advance, learn, peddle, rent, take, and trade. Unaccusative are pass, throw.

Much stability (1) Gif ðu him lanst ani þing of ðinen. If you him loan. 2 S any thing of you `If you lend him anything. ’ (OED, c 1200, Vices & Virtues 1888, 77) (2) Kyng R. . payde Sarezynys here rent. `King Richard paid the Saracins their retribution. ’ (OED, Richard Coer de Lyon 1913, 4056)

Some loss (3) and the eritage ȝee delen to ȝoure sonus and the heritage you divide to your sons `and you divide the heritage to your sons. ’ (MED, Wycliff Bible Madden, 571) (4) Ic þe an tela sincgestreona. I you grant well treasures `I grant you treasures. ’ (OED, Beowulf 1225 -6)

Teach `make see’ is causative (1) Tæhte þa þam biscope … sumne gedefne munuc, Showed then the bishop … some proper monk þæs noma wæs Andreas whose name was Andreas `Then, he pointed out to the bishop a suitable monk, whose name was Andrew. ’ (OED, Bede, 254. 9 -11) (2) Eft he him tæhte to fultome ðæt he him After he him showed to help that he him gename ane iserne hearstepannan. take an iron frying-pan `After that, he showed him how to protect himself by taking an iron pan. ’ (OED, Alfred Pastoral Care 161. 6 -7) >Causer, Experiencer, Theme (3) Se Halga Gast ðe tæhð rihtwisnysse. The holy ghost thee teaches rightfulness `The holy ghost teaches you rightfulness. ’ (OED, Ælfric Homilies I. 322)

Learn Old English leornian also has one meaning, namely `to acquire knowledge’ (EXP + TH) but Middle English has the additional meaning of `to impart knowledge’ (added C), as in: (1) To lokenn watt itt lerneþ uss. Off [ure] sawle nede. `To see what it teaches us about our soul’s needs. ’ (OED, Ormulum, Burchfield 19613) (2) 7 Who lerneth a scornere, doth wrong he to hymself. (OED Wyclif 1382; a 1425 L. V. techith) If learn has a theta-role of Experiencer and Theme in Old English, the Causer is added. All the ones in the MED are DP DP.

Change in Modern English To is now possible: teach English to X music to X reading to X 23 15 7 X English 28 X music 8 X reading 10 And meaning difference in the DP PP.

Send `make go’ (1) Heonu ic sendo iuih suæ scip in middum uulfa. Behold I send you like sheep in middle wolfs `Behold, I send you like sheep amidst wolves. ’ (OED, Lindisfarne Matthew x. 16) (2) He sende his patriarken and propheten for to bodien his tokume. `He sent his patriarchs and prophets in order to announce his arrival. ’ (OED, c 1175, Lambeth Hom. 153) (3) & symble hine & in fyr & on wætro sende þætte hine losade vel fordyde. and often him and in fire and in water forced-to-go so-that him lost or destroyed (OED, Lindisf. Gosp. Mark ix. 22)

Clear Goal, with PP (1) Þa sendan hie to Philippuse, & bædon þæt he. . . then send they to Philip and asked that he … `Then, they sent to Philip and asked him to … (DOE, Orosius, 63. 8 -9) (2) ðæt he hio wolde to his aldormen onsendan, swa hio bædan … that he them wanted to his chiefs send, as so they asked … `that he wanted to send them to his chiefs as they had asked. ’ (DOE, Bede 428. 11 -12)

Pass: from unaccusative > ditransitive (1) We moten … þurch bitter penitence passi to heouene. `We must … through bitter penitence move to heaven. ’ (OED, Ancrene Riwle, Cleo. C. vi, 245) (2) Alswa as a charbuche is betere þen a iacinct. . . al swa passeð meiden onon te mihte of meiðhad widewen & iweddede `Like a carbuncle is better than a jacinth… so surpasses a maiden, on the power of maidenhood, widows and wedded people. ’ (OED, Hali Meiðhad, Bodl. 34, 38 646) (3) If. . . like a Father you will deale with him, And passe my daughter a sufficient dower. (OED, a 1616 Shakespeare Taming of Shrew IV 4 44)

Verbs of communication Pesetsky (1995: 143): “communicated message”, as in tell, ask, and teach, VS “communication of propositions”, as with say, claim, and shout which are more durative. Not true in OE, e. g. (2), and that shows the role of `to’ is different. (1) ðonne bið cweden to me … hwer is god ðin. then be said to me … where is God your `Then, it will be said to me: where is your God? ’ (OED, Vespasian Ps. xli. 11) (2) Se engel hire sægde þæt heo sceolde modor beon The angel her said that she should mother be `The angel told her that she would be the mother. ’ (OED, Blickling Homilies 9) (3) þu leogende sagast þæt þu sie þæt he is. `you falsely say that you are what he is. ’ (DOE, Blickling Homilies) (4) Ða ongan Nepotianus to tellanne þan casere eall be þan halegan Nicolao (5) Se arwurða wer Benedictus þa ongann tellan þis wundor to Maures hyrsumnysse

Feed = causative (4) (5) (6) Eower fæder se heofunlica your father the heavenly `Your heavenly father feeds them. ’ (OED, Lindisfarne, Matthew vi. 26) He hi fedde mid fætre hunige. he 3 P. ACC fed with fatter honey `He fed them with fat, wheat, and honey. ’ (DOE, Paris Psalter, 80, 15) hu þis land mihte eall how this land can all `How this land can feed this entire army. ’ (DOE, Peterborough Chronicle 1085 a 5) foedeþ þa feeds those. ACC lynde hwæte and fat wheat and þone here afedan. that. ACC army feed Gothic fôdjan and OE derives from Germanic causative *fôđjan

(7) a. The Earth Can Feed, Clothe, and House 12 Billion People (http: //true-progress. com/the-earth-can-feedclothe-and-house-12 -billion-people-306. htm) b. *The earth deliberately feeds us great food. (8) Had Robert deliberately fed the info to Asa (COCA fiction 2004) (9) And an þane dæg drehten angan erest fedan and on that day lord began first feed Israela folc in þam westenne mid manan, Israel’s people in the desert with mana, þam heofenlican mete. that heavenly food `And on that day the lord started first to feed Israel’s people in the desert with mana, that heavenly food. ’ (DOE, Napier 1883, no. 44: 'Sunnandæges spell' 70)

Durativity The MED lists feden with one object, usually the recipient. From the 14 th century onwards, there is an intransitive use, as in (1 a), but it is not clear if it is telic or durative. The same is true with the reflexive us in (1 b). (1) a. She fedith on all maner of flesh. `She feeds on all kinds of flesh. ’ (OED, 1486 St. Albans) b. … schulde fede hym self. `should feed itself. ’ (OED, Trevisa tr. Higden Polychron. VI. 19) The Corpus of Late Modern English doesn’t have a ditransitive feed among its 1379 instances. The verb shows a mix of telic and durative uses, which the 265 immediately following preposition (up)on attest to. Thus, the verb feed is not primarily a ditransitive in its history but causative and later acquires a durative meaning.

Frequent particles (18) sende efter him & dide him ȝyuen up ðe abbotrice of Burch. `He sent after him and made him give up Peterborough. ’ (Peterborough Chronicle anno 1132) (19) Sche schal be rendred forth with hire. `She shall be given up with her. ’ (MED, a 1393, Gower CA Frf 3, 8. 1253) (20) to treat Cornick as an exception to the law and render him up to the public as an adult (NOW Corpus 2006). (21) I herd oþir crie. . . That. . . Yrendred were into religioun Or þei hade yeris of discresioun. (MED, 1420, Lydgate Temple of Glas (Tanner) 201)

Conclusions Ditransitives have a complex sets of theta-roles: -give DP DP/DP PP: no difference? -send/teach DP PP: Path/DP DP Exp? Diachronic evidence for basic telicity: -many are causative (send/teach) and have an Experiencer/Goal added -learn gets a Causer and loses it; always DP DP because of EXP. -feed changes inner aspect.