Tbi LLC 2013 Aspectual and adverbial meaning as
+ Tbi. LLC 2013 Aspectual and adverbial meaning as constraints on Daniel Altshuler discourse Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf structure.
+ n Kamp et al (2013) on the perfect Tense and adverbs describe distinct temporal coordinates All perfects link an event’s consequent state to the temporal coordinate specified by the tense n Crosslinguistically, perfects differ in linking distinct event parts to the temporal coordinate specified by a temporal locating adverb. n Perfects differ from all other aspectual operators in linking distinct event parts to coordinates specified by tenses and temporal locating adverbs n
+ Goals of today Altshuler 2012 (Journal of Semantics) n. The Russian imperfective links an event’s consequent state to the temporal coordinate specified by the tense n The Russian imperfective links an event to the temporal coordinate specified by a temporal locating adverb. Punch-lines n. The Russian imperfective is like the perfect in linking distinct event parts to coordinates specified by tenses and temporal locating adverbs n. Linking a consequent state to the temporal coordinate provided by the tense is not a defining criteria of the perfect
+ New Research Program All aspectual operators make reference to an event e and its consequent state s. Aspectual operators differ in: n whether they relate e or s to the temporal coordinates described by tenses and temporal locating adverbs n the type of relation that holds between the given eventualities and the temporal coordinates
+ Occasion relation (1) At five o'clock, Harry walked in, sat down, and took off his boots. (Moens & Steedman 1988). (2) Max pushed John. He fell (Asher & Lascarides 1993). (3) Occasion(S 1, S 2): Hobbs 1990, Kehler 2002 n the event described by S 2 is contingent on an event described by S 1 n An event e is understood to be contingent on an event e’ iff e is contained within the consequent state of e’ (see Moens & Steedman 1988; Webber 1988)
+ Purely temporal relation? (4) He took out his wallet to pay for the food. “That will be 72 cents”, the grocer said. “AAAAAA!” Jack screamed, looking down to see a bee busy stinging him on the little finger (after Richard Brautigan, Revenge of the Lawn, Sam Cumming, p. c. ). (5) A wave crashed down on Bob, ruining his new suit. “I'll sue you for that, ’” said Bob. Another wave crashed down on him, carrying off his bowler hat. (Sam Cumming, p. c. ).
+ Narration (6) Narration(S 1, S 2) n the event described by S 2 follows an event described by S 1 (after Asher & Lascarides 1993, 2008) Common topicality constraint n S 1 and S 2 share a common topic “that summarises what went on in the story” (Asher & Lascarides 2008: 13).
+ Motivation for constraint (7) Christ was born no later than 4 B. C. #Today Fortuna won the match.
+ On deck… Case Study: Imperfective aspect in Russian n its semantics rules out Occasion n it is nevertheless found in some narrative contexts, often involving temporal adverbs o leads to a study of interaction between aspectual and adverbial meaning
+ Russian imperfective
+ Russian imperfective
+ Russian imperfective BACKGROUND but not OCCASION a. Odna storona s utra zajavili, One side from morning PFV. announced chto peredacha uzhe sostojalas’ that exchange already PFV. took. place ‘One side said that the <spy> exchange had already taken place. ’ b. Drugaja storona eto {oproverg-la/ oprovergala} Other side this PFV. denied. IPF ‘The other side had denied this. ’
+ 13 Occasion rules out Russian imperfective (13) a. Musčina vo-še-l v <<White Hart>> Man PFV-go-PAST to White Hart ‘A man entered the White Hart. ’ b. On byl v černom pidžake He be. IPF-PST in black jacket ‘He wore a black jacket. ’ c. #Bill dava-l emu bakal pivo. Bill PFV. give-PST him mug beer ‘Bill gave him a mug of beer. ’
+ Occasion rules out Russian imperfective
+ n n Question What is the semantics of the Russian imperfective like such that it rules out Occasion? Naïve answer ²Occasion is defined in terms of a change of state, e. g. as involving an event’s consequent state ²the imperfective describes an event as if it hasn't yet been completed.
+ However… K nam priezža-l otec domoj To us arrive. IPF-PST. 3 S father house (#no on ne smog najti naš dom). but he not able find house ‘Father came/had come to our house, (#but was unable to found our house). ’ 16
+ Moreover…
+ Puzzle n On the one hand, the Russian imperfective can be used to describe an event to provide an elaboration or background • “The progressive” usage n On the other hand, the Russian imperfective can be used to describe a consequent state to provide an explanation or background • n It “The perfect” usage is never is used for Occasion
+ Related puzzle 19 (1) Fritz hat seine Arbeit eingereicht. Fritz has his paper submitted ‘Fritz has submitted his paper’ (Kamp et al. 2013) (2) Peter hat gerade gespült, als ich heimkam. Peter has in-the-moment done-the-dishes when I home-came ‘Peter was doing the dishes when I got home’ (Rothstein 2008) n “As the eventuality denoted by such a present perfect is viewed as ongoing, there can be no perfect or resultant state meaning” (Rothstein 2008: 49).
+ Consequent states of event parts 20 Narration within an elaboration (3) John built a house last year. First he got an architect to draw up a plan. Next he hired a contractor. At the end he was very pleased (Bittner 2008, pg. 21). Perfect progressive (4) From this lodge I turned into the field opposite to Ingress Park, where Mr. Alderman Harmer has been building a splendid mansion: it is entirely of stone, and is in the Gothic style.
+ Analysis of Russian imperfective n Russian has an imperfective operator, IPF, which combines with a VP denotation—a set of events —and introduces a VP-event part e into the discourse context with the following constraint: Ø The reference time must be contained within the run time of the consequent state of e
+ Key idea IPF relates two times—the time of the consequent state that it describes and a time which is anaphorically retrieved from the discourse context
+ Explanation & Background
+ Background
+ Counterexample? (19) Osen’ju 1888 godu Ul’janovu bylo razrešeno vernut’sja v Kazan'. Fall 1888 year Ul’janov was. IPF allowed return to Kazan Zdes' on vposledstvii vstupil v odin iz maprkcistskix kružkov… Here he subsequently joined. PFV in one from Marxist circles ‘In the fall of 1988, Ul’yanov was allowed to return to Kazan. Here he subsequently joined one of the Marxist circles…’ (20) V 1924 godu N. K. Krupskaja pisala v “Pravde”: In 1924 year N. K. Krupskaja wrote. IPF in “Truth” “Plexanova, Vladimir Il’ič ljubil strastno…” Plexanov Vladimir Ilich loved. IPF passionatly ‘In 1924, N. K. Krupskaja wrote in “Truth”: “Vladimir Ilich loved Plexanov passionatly”
+ Current research Study the interaction between adverbial and aspectual meaning. n (26) Osen’ju 1888 godu Ul’janovu bylo razrešeno vernut’sja v Kazan'. Fall 1888 year Ul’janov was. IPF allowed return to Kazan Zdes' on vposledstvii vstupil v odin iz maprkcistskix kružkov… Here he subsequently joined. PFV in one from Marxist circles ‘In the fall of 1988, Ul’yanov was allowed to return to Kazan. Here he subsequently joined one of the Marxist circles…’ (27) V 1924 godu N. K. Krupskaja pisala v “Pravde”: In 1924 year N. K. Krupskaja wrote. IPF in “Truth” “Plexanova, Vladimir Il’ič ljubil strastno…” Plexanov Vladimir Ilich loved. IPF passionatly ‘In 1924, N. K. Krupskaja wrote in “Truth”: “Vladimir Ilich loved Plexanov passionatly”
+ Contrasts with French imparfait (1) Après que Marie est arrivée, Paul est parti. (2) #Après que Marie est arrivée, Paul partait. 'After Mary came, Paul left. ’ (3) #Maigret reprit la petite auto noire et il pénétrait dans la brasserie de la place de la République. 'Maigret once more took the little black car and he entered the café at the Republic square. ’ (4) Maigret reprit la petite auto noire et, quelques minutes plus tard, il pénétrait dans la brasserie de la place de la République. 'Maigret once more took the little black car and, a few mitues later, he entered the café at the Republic square. ’
+ Tasmowski 1985 “le développement de l'IR dépend crucialement d'un adverbe de temps en début de phrase, adverbe qui a pour effet d'introduire un nouveau moment temporel dans le texte. ” "the development of the IR (="imparfait de rupture") crucially depends on a temporal adverb at the beginning of the sentence, this adverb being in charge of introducing a new temporal moment in the text".
+ Analysis extended IPF relates the time of the consequent state that it describes to a time that is: anaphorically retrieved from the discourse context or n ‘bound off’ by temporal locating adverbs (if there any), which describe a time that is related to an event rather than a consequent state n
![+ Toy analysis in CDRT [VP N. K. Krupskajaun write auk report] w λe.](http://slidetodoc.com/presentation_image_h2/05e6a4dca51441e7271f78eeff0eeffb/image-30.jpg "+ Toy analysis in CDRT [VP N. K. Krupskajaun write auk report] w λe.")
+ Toy analysis in CDRT [VP N. K. Krupskajaun write auk report] w λe. [un, uk | un = N. K. Krupskajao, report{ukj }, write{e, un, uk }] =: λeλiλj. i[un, uk]j ∧ unj = N. K. Krupskaja ∧ report(ukj), write(ej, unj, ukj) [Asp IPFen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART{en}⊆t, t’ ⊆ CONS{en}] ; P(PART{en}) =: λPλt’λtλiλj. ∃k(i[en]k ∧ PART(enk)⊆tk ∧ ∧ t’k ⊆ CONS(enk) ∧ P(PART(en)kj) [Adv on May 12, 1924 sn] w λRλt. [t’n | t = may. 12. 1924 o] ; R(t’n) =: λRλtλiλj. ∃k(i[t’n]k ∧ tk = may. 12. 1984 ∧ R(t’n)kj) [Asp PSTtn] w λR. [ tn | tn < t*] ; R(tn) =: λRλiλj. ∃k(i[tn]k ∧ tnk < t*k ∧ R(tn)kj) 30
![+ Other aspectual operators… [Asp IPFen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART{en}⊆t, t’ ⊆ CONS{PART{en}}]](http://slidetodoc.com/presentation_image_h2/05e6a4dca51441e7271f78eeff0eeffb/image-31.jpg "+ Other aspectual operators… [Asp IPFen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART{en}⊆t, t’ ⊆ CONS{PART{en}}]")
+ Other aspectual operators… [Asp IPFen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART{en}⊆t, t’ ⊆ CONS{PART{en}}] ; P(PART{en}) [Asp PROGen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART*{en}⊆t, t’ = CONS{PART*{en}] ; P(PART*{en}) [Asp ENG. PERFETen] w λPλt’λt. [en | ecm⊆t, t’ ⊂CONS{en}, ecm = en ⊕ CONS{en} ] ; P(en) [Asp GERM. PERFETen] w λPλt’λt. [en | PART{en}⊆t, t’ ⊂ CONS{PART{en}}] ; P(PART{en}) 31
+ Closer look at meaning of temporal adverbials 32 [Adv on May 12, 1924 sn] w λRλt. [t’n | t = may. 12. 1924 o] ; R(t’n) λRλtλiλj. ∃k(i[t’n]k ∧ tk = may. 12. 1984 ∧ R(t’n)kj) Potential problem n To saturate a time argument, we introduce a dref n The introduced dref should be available for anaphoric pick-up n Does not capture the idea that the semantic function of temporal locating adverbs is to ‘bind off’ the time argument of an aspectual phrase, i. e. does not capture anaphoric closure
![+ Revision [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j ∧ tj =](http://slidetodoc.com/presentation_image_h2/05e6a4dca51441e7271f78eeff0eeffb/image-33.jpg "+ Revision [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j ∧ tj =")
+ Revision [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j ∧ tj = may. 12. 1984 ∧ ∃k(j[t’]k ∧ R(t’)jk) n j is a good output environment only if it could be further updated to an environment k in which there is some unspecified time t’. n This time cannot serve as an antecedent because the output environment that is passed on for the interpretation of subsequent discourse is j and not k 33
![+ Anaphoric closure in DRT? [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j](http://slidetodoc.com/presentation_image_h2/05e6a4dca51441e7271f78eeff0eeffb/image-34.jpg "+ Anaphoric closure in DRT? [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j")
+ Anaphoric closure in DRT? [Adv on May 12, 1924] w λRλtλiλj. (i =j ∧ tj = may. 12. 1984 ∧ ∃k(j[t’]k ∧ R(t’)jk) n How to represent anaphoric closure in DRT? n Possibility explored by Brasoveanu (2007): o use of double negation 34
+ Let’s get to work… “…Whether the semantic contributions made by…temporal adverbials are in the first instance temporal or rhetorical, and how their rhetorical or temporal contributions can then be accounted for as secondary effects produced by pragmatic mechanisms, is a matter for further investigation”(Kamp 1999/2013).
- Slides: 35
