Occupy Taiwan A Snapshot of The Sunflower Movement

Occupy Taiwan: A Snapshot of The Sunflower Movement Yu-Hsiang Chen (s 0974781@sms. ed. ac. uk) Roundtable: Occupy Taiwan: the origins and implications of the 'Sunflower Movement‘ Sociology and China Studies, University of Edinburgh 16 April 2014

What is the Sunflower Movement? • The Sunflower movement was a protest movement driven by a coalition of students and civic groups between 18 th March and 10 th April 2014. • Origin: The activists protested the passing of the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) by the ruling party Kuomintang (KMT) at the legislature without clause-by-clause review. • Actions: During the 24 days, the activists occupied the Legislative Yuan (parliament) for the whole period, stormed the Executive Yuan (government headquarter), called for strike, rallied in Ketagalan Boulevard (leading to the Presidential Office) and held grass-root citizens’ forums. • Name: ‘Sunflower’, a heliotrope, was used by the protestors as a symbol of hope. The name was also an allusion to the Wild Lily Movement of 1990, a milestone in the democratization of Taiwan.

Background • In 2010, the government signed a free trade agreement, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), with China. • In June 2013, Taiwan and China proceeded with the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) within the framework of ECFA. It would reduce the trade restrictions in service sectors. • After the contents were revealed, a number of scholars, prominent citizens and opposite parties criticized the deal and warned it would increase the risk of national security, negative impacts on small and medium enterprises and China’s socio-economic power in Taiwan. • The KMT party promised to legalize the bill with clause-by-clause review in the parliament. • On 17 March 2014, KMT legislator Chang Ching-chung, the chair of the legislature’s internal committee, announced the CSSTA review process had gone beyond the 90 days and thus the bill had be considered reviewed.

Occupy the Legislative Yuan • On 18 th March, numbers of students, civil groups and other protestors demonstrated outside the Legislative Yuan. • At 21: 00, around 200 of the crowd climbed over the fence at the Legislative Yuan and entered the building. • At the night, the activists used chairs to block the doorways and thousands protestors demonstrated outside the building. • On 20 th March, Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (KMT) promised not to use police force on the protesters in and around the parliament.

Demands: 1. Send the CSSTA back to the Executive Yuan 2. Legislation of an oversight mechanism for all cross-strait agreements 3. Review the CSSTA under the oversight act 4. Call for Citizens’ Constitutional Assembly Means: Constantly occupying the Legislative Yuan peacefully and rationally

Storm the Executive Yuan • On 23 rd March, President Ma held an international press conference. He insisted the CSSTA was advantageous to Taiwan’s economy and indirectly refused all the activists’ demands. • At the night, numbers of protestors stormed and occupied the Executive Yuan. • The Premier Jiang Yi-huah ordered riot police to clear the site. • During the process, the journalists were ordered to leave, and some police actions were controversial.

330 Rally& grassroots forums • On 30 th March, around 100, 000 to 400, 000 people who supported the Sunflower Movement rallied in Ketagalan Boulevard (leading to the Presidential Office). • From 26 th March to 6 th April, over tens of grassroots citizen forums were held by the movement and lead by scholars and specialists to openly discuss and debate about the CSSTA, the oversight mechanism for cross-strait agreements and other issues related to Taiwan’s democracy.

Resolution • On 6 th April, Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng visited the occupied parliament chamber and promised to postpone review of the trade pact until legislation of an oversight mechanism for cross-strait agreements has been passed. Shortly afterwards, Wang’s announcement was supported by the opposite parties and several prominent figures within the KMT party. • On 7 th April, the activists announced that their demands have been partly achieved and would leave the Legalization Yuan on 10 th April, and they would continue to reach the goals by other means afterwards. • Sunflower movement theme song: Island’s sunrise https: //www. youtube. com/watch? v=i. V 8 JDbt. XZm 4

A popular movement A number of polls provide useful information. • On the first days of the movement: 20 th-21 st March <TVBS>: 48% of the people supported student’s occupation; 40% thought the opposite. 48% were against the CSSTA, and 21% were pro it. • About their demands: 29 th-30 th March <Taiwan Brain Trust>: 1. 54. 4% supported student’s occupation; among 20 -29 years old, the figure increased to 73. 4%. 2. The public agreed with “Withdrawal of the CSSTA and re-negotiation with China” (66. 2%), “A new law to monitor all cross-strait agreements- legislation before review of the CSSTA” (82. 1%), and “Citizens’ Constitutional Assembly” (76. 5%).

• After the 330 Rally: 31 st March <TVBS>: 48% of the public thought “Students have clearly expressed their demands and should leave the Legislative Yuan”; 38% thought they should continue the occupation. 4 th April <Apple Daily>: 49. 50% supported students’ occupation because the Executive Yuan has not response to the demand of withdrawal of the CSSTA; 45. 09% thought they have clearly expressed their wants and should leave the Legislative Yuan. • After the announcement of the end of the occupation: 4 th-8 th April <TVBS>: 65% thought this movement fostered the development of Taiwan’s democracy; 26% thought it did not.

A media war • A split in the mainstream media The media which is owned by the government/ pro China government/ pro KMT reported the movement usually from a negative viewpoint. The reports from pro-DPP/ against-China government media were very positive. • The rising of new/ alternative media The Facebook, PTT BBS (bulletin board system), Ustream, You. Tube and several online news websites became important news sources, particularly about the information of the Executive Yuan Eviction.

• To Attract international attention The movement had its own translation team, around 80 people, specializing in over ten languages. The activists set an English website (http: //4 am. tw/) and also used the Ustream to run a live podcast with presentation in Chinese, English and Japanese. The movement advertised on the New York Times on 29 th and 30 th March.

Related to politics rather than economy • Key factor 1: China The two polls, which both were conducted by the Taiwan Indicators Survey Research, showed interesting information: The first poll asked the respondents to give their main reasons against the CSSTA by choosing two options from five. The most popular answers were ‘worry about the deal would affect their jobs or business’ (50. 4%) and ‘worry about to be the same to Hong Kong’ (42. 2%). (between 22 nd-23 rd March) However, the other poll asked the respondents ‘If the same service trade agreement was signed between Taiwan and the US, not China’, 60. 5% would supported the deal and only 13. 9% would oppose it. (in the early April)

Related to politics rather than economy • Key factor 2: Democracy An other poll conducted by the same institute showed 54. 9% thought ‘the passing of the CSSTA on 17 th March was against the democratic procedure’; among 20 -29 years old, the figure rose to 68. 1%. In addition, 63. 0% thought the students’ occupation protected the development of democracy, and 19. 6% thought it damaged Taiwan’s democracy. (in the late March)

So, why the young? ? • The Sunflower Movement gained stronger support from young people, as showed on the polls, but why? • Many of reports and analyses suggests that economy does matter. The popular explanations include, for example, ‘the young worry about global competition and job security’, ‘ they are unsatisfied of the decline of the real income and of the number of qualified jobs’, and ‘they feel no future in their career’. • My assumption: it is a sociological matter o Different concepts of democracy Taiwan transformed to a democratic society in 1987 (removal of the martial law). The current young generation in Taiwan grew up in a completely free and democratic society, different to their parents’ and grandparents’ life experience. They probably have a ‘higher’ standard of ‘democracy’.

§ For old generations: Democracy= free speech + vote (fair elections) § For young generations: Democracy= more!!!! They tend to scrutinize all the government’s activities and policies by the principles of democracy. o Change of national identity The ‘Taiwanese identity’ was quickly rising in Taiwan in the recent 20 years with the transformation of institutions. The young grew up in a ‘Taiwan central’ society. Among the young (20 -29), whether the decedents of Taiwanese or Mainland regard themselves ‘Taiwanese’ (89%) rather than ‘Chinese’ (TVBS 2013; also see Wu 2008). Logically, they have a ‘stronger’ motivation to protest the independence of Taiwan. o Shift in values The young grew up in a relatively richer and economic stable society. From 1991 to 2014, Taiwan’s nominal GDP per capita grew from $9, 000 to $21, 000. For many of them, economy is not always the priority of their life. Logically, they have ‘more’ time and resources to shift their attentions to non-economic issues in life and society.

Conclusion • For many Taiwanese people, the Sunflower movement was a movement for democratization and for protecting the ‘independence’ of Taiwan rather than an anti-free-trade, an anti-globalization and an anti-capitalism protest. • The movement refers the differences of values, priority of demands, national identities and understanding of democracy between young and old generations in Taiwan. It may be able to partially answer the government’s question in mind: The deal would bring economic benefit, the peace between the cross straits and the process was completely legal, why were so many people strongly against it?

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