Languages of South America Amazonian Languages After Epps

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Никогда вы не найдете В наших северных лесах Длиннохвостых ягуаров Броненосных черепах Languages of

Никогда вы не найдете В наших северных лесах Длиннохвостых ягуаров Броненосных черепах Languages of South America. Amazonian Languages After Epps & Salanova 2013 (typology of Amazonian), Adelaar 2004 (the Andes) (unless otherwise indicated, maps come from glottolog. org and Adelaar 2004)

n Short vs. long chronological theory n n n simonsoutherton. blogspot. ru Generalities: South

n Short vs. long chronological theory n n n simonsoutherton. blogspot. ru Generalities: South America All settlers coming to the Americas after 19 k BP (LGM) vs. First setlers coming before LGM, i. e. 21 to 40 k BP First evidence of humans in South America back in 11 k BP Evidence of manioc cultivated from 4 k BP in Amazon Basin, agrarian communities in the Andes 5, 5 k BP – domestication of llamas, vicuñas, guanacos, and alpacas https: //en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Settlement_of_the_Americas 2

source: wiki Domestication of camelids llama guanaco alpaca vicuña 3

source: wiki Domestication of camelids llama guanaco alpaca vicuña 3

South America Languages of the Andes: grue Amazonian languages: orange 4

South America Languages of the Andes: grue Amazonian languages: orange 4

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n Chibcha sphere n n n Chibchan (27) pouring

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n Chibcha sphere n n n Chibchan (27) pouring out to Mesoamerica Inca sphere Languages of the eastern slopes Araucanian sphere Tierra del Fuego 5

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere n n Quechuan

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere n n Quechuan (45) Languages of the eastern slopes Araucanian sphere Tierra del Fuego 6

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of the eastern slopes (111) n n Tacanan (7), Jivaroan (4), Cahuapanan (3), Bora-Huitoto (9), Zaparoan (6) and isolates Also Panoan, Arawakan, Tupi. Guarani, Tucanoan, Araucanian sphere Tierra del Fuego 7

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of the eastern slopes Araucanian sphere (2) Tierra del Fuego 8

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of

Adelaar 2004: the five ‘spheres’ n n n Chibcha sphere Inca sphere Languages of the eastern slopes Araucanian sphere Tierra del Fuego 1 († 8) 9

Fuegan: nomadic hunter gatherers n n n occupancy since 6 k BP dog and

Fuegan: nomadic hunter gatherers n n n occupancy since 6 k BP dog and horse, metal weapons come in lately – under Spaniards tone, wood and bone weapons Atlantic coast: land hunting (foot nomads, more bilingual) Pacific coast: seafood (canoe nomads, contestedly monolingual) Kawesqar, Chono, Ya(h)gan, Selk’nam, Haush (Manenkn), Tehuelche (Patagones), Gününa Küne, Tehues (Teushen) n NB: language list, not genealogical classification 10

Contact conditions: n n n n mixed marriages, particularly in the late colonial period;

Contact conditions: n n n n mixed marriages, particularly in the late colonial period; barter between the Selk’nam on one side and the Yahgan or Kawesqar on the other; slaving raids (e. g. by the Chono in Kawesqar territory); shared fishing grounds (e. g. between the Kawesqar and the Yahgan); capture of Kawesqar women by the Tehuelche; migration of groups of Selk’nam across the Strait of Magellan and integration of the latter into the Tehuelche, migration of Tehuelches across the Strait of Magellan; extensive migration of Mapuche Indians into Patagonia. 11

Language loss in Tierra del Fuego Chono Kawesqar Yahgan Selk’nam Haush Gününa Tehues Küne

Language loss in Tierra del Fuego Chono Kawesqar Yahgan Selk’nam Haush Gününa Tehues Küne 300 Before 1850 21 fam. 4, 000 2, 900 3, 600 1875 1 fam. 2, 500+ 2, 000 1900 500 -600 9, 000 -10, 000 2, 000 -6, 000 130 -945 1, 500 - 1925 150 -400 50 70 -100 1950 100 40 20 1975 1985 some 3001 -3 10 -12 40 2 -3 - 28 8 1 Tehuelche 100 - - - 29 “false precision”; contagious deseases as well as armed colonization in 19 th cent. 12

Classification: unresolved n n Languages of land nomads - Selk'nam, Haush, Gününa Yajich, Teushen

Classification: unresolved n n Languages of land nomads - Selk'nam, Haush, Gününa Yajich, Teushen and Tehuelche – probably related (10 to 55 percent of basic vocabulary) Kawesqar + Chono +? Yahgan 13

Phonology Voiced, glottalized present but not widespread, complex syllables E. g. Selk’nam: ejectives, r~l

Phonology Voiced, glottalized present but not widespread, complex syllables E. g. Selk’nam: ejectives, r~l variation 14

Morphology 15

Morphology 15

Word order y. Epr t’E: n han t’elqn ‘The girl usually eats meat’ xe-nn

Word order y. Epr t’E: n han t’elqn ‘The girl usually eats meat’ xe-nn mer čonn ‘The man came’ meat CU girl come-AF. MS DC man (Najlis 1973 via Adelaar 2004) 16

Amazonia: ~300 lgs in ~ 50 gen. units http: //www. athenapub. com Map shows

Amazonia: ~300 lgs in ~ 50 gen. units http: //www. athenapub. com Map shows major families only, including: Tupi-Guarani 76 green Arawakan 60 purple Carib 32 blue Panoan 27 Tuk(c)anoan 25 Jê 16 17 Brazil, but also Venezuela, Bolivia, Peru, Columbia, Paraguay

Language families and isolates n Tupi(-Guarani) – 76 n n n Carib – 32

Language families and isolates n Tupi(-Guarani) – 76 n n n Carib – 32 (incl. Carib, Hixkaryána, Macushi, Apalaí) Panoan 27 (incl. Shipibo-Konibo) Tukanoan 25 Arawakan (Maipurean) – 60 (incl Paumari) Jê 16 n n n incl. Guarani, official lg of Paraguay, some 5 mln speakers Putative Macro Jê includes in addition Bororo (2), Jabutian (2), Maxakalian (2), isolates Krenak, Ofaye, Karaja, Rikbatsa Minor families: Nadahup (Puinavean) - 7 (incl. Hup), Arauan 6, Nambiquaran 6, Chapacuran 5, Guaykuruan 5, Yanomam 4, Katukinan 2, Yaguan 2 18 Isolate: Pirahã (“Pirahã debate”), Trumai…

Phonetic and phonology n n Rare phonemes: bilabial affricate (Shipibo), bilabial trill (Wari’, Pirahã)

Phonetic and phonology n n Rare phonemes: bilabial affricate (Shipibo), bilabial trill (Wari’, Pirahã) voiced linguolabial double flap (tongue tip hits the roof of the mouth then the bottom lip) Pirahã Lexical tone: register tone (low, high, none), sometimes limited to the stressed syllable (pitch accent? ) Nasal prosody, nasal harmony Guarani nasal harmony nõ-rõ-nũpã-ĩ ‘I don't beat you’ ndo-ro-haihu-i ‘I don't love you’ 19

Noun classes: rich n n Sex-based gender systems Classifiers n n n Some Bora

Noun classes: rich n n Sex-based gender systems Classifiers n n n Some Bora lgs: several hundred classifiers Humans by sex, animates by sex, shape or unspecified, inanimates by shape, function etc. Shape: flat, round, long etc. ; culture based classifications n n Wakú ‘vines, snakes, fishing lines’ + ‘large catfish’? ? large catfish is the namesake of a ceremonial trumpet that is bound with a vine rim and named ‘two-snakes. ’ 20

Numeral systems: poor n n n Some ‘ 1’ and ‘ 2’ only; many

Numeral systems: poor n n n Some ‘ 1’ and ‘ 2’ only; many ‘ 1’ to ‘ 3’ to ‘ 5’ Often, etymologically transparent: in Hup, ‘two’ derives from ‘eyes’, ‘three’ from ‘rubber tree seed’. In many ‘four’ derives from ‘brother, companion’ Andersen 2005: “where numeral systems exist, they are a cultural attainment, that is, they have developed (or been borrowed from other languages) because they were culturally motivated. ” 21

Tense and number Tense Verbs Number Nouns How come? 22

Tense and number Tense Verbs Number Nouns How come? 22

Verbal tense: weak n Time reference expressed by optional suffixes or clitics n n

Verbal tense: weak n Time reference expressed by optional suffixes or clitics n n Future vs. (optional) non-future Past vs. present reference induced from the type of situation (actional class) – probably common to North America n Mebengokre (Jê): ba nẽ ba ku-by ‘I grabbed it’ ba nẽ ba i-ngryk ‘I'm angry’ I Non. Fut I it-grab I Non. Fut I I-angry 23

Tensed nouns n Arawak, Carib, Nambiquara, Tupi-Guarani: tensed nominal reference a. che-roga-kue my-house-FORMER ‘my

Tensed nouns n Arawak, Carib, Nambiquara, Tupi-Guarani: tensed nominal reference a. che-roga-kue my-house-FORMER ‘my former house’ (ashes or house) b. che-roga-ra my-house-FUTURE ‘my future house’ (bricks or standing house) 24

Tensed nouns n Not verbal tense cliticized to nouns! Epps: n n “… structurally

Tensed nouns n Not verbal tense cliticized to nouns! Epps: n n “… structurally simple noun phrases with markers that encode the evidence surrounding the epistemic status of the entity's existence. ” Independent of clausal verbal tense: a. o-va-ta che-róga-kue-pe 3 -move-FUT 1 -house-FORMER-in ‘He will move into my former house. ’ b. a-va-va'ekue hoga-rã-pe 1 -move-PAST 3. house-FUTURE-in ‘I have moved into his future house. ’ 25

Verbal number n Multiple participants (agreement? ) or multiple event (iterativity)? n n Itonama

Verbal number n Multiple participants (agreement? ) or multiple event (iterativity)? n n Itonama – complicate verbal number but lacking nominal number Possibly a trait in common with N. America, esp. Muskogean and Tsimshian, where it is morphologically similar to Jê 26

Verbal number n Mẽbengokre, alias Kayapo (Jê): argument number shifts to aspect when the

Verbal number n Mẽbengokre, alias Kayapo (Jê): argument number shifts to aspect when the verb changes from dynamic to stative (nominalized) form a. krwỳj jã nẽ môp krẽ ‘This parakeet ate the malanga. ’ parakeet this NFUT malanga eat. V. SG b. krwỳj jã nẽ môp ku ‘…ate the malangas. ’ parakeet this NFUT malanga eat. V. PL a. krwỳj jã nẽ kute môp krẽn ‘…has eaten (once in his life). ’ parakeet this NFUT 3 ERG malanga eat. N. SG b. krwỳj jã nẽ kute môp kur ‘…often eats’ parakeet this NFUT 3 ERG malanga eat. N. PL 27

Evidentiality: abundant n Nonvisual (heard, but also tasted or felt) n n Reportative n

Evidentiality: abundant n Nonvisual (heard, but also tasted or felt) n n Reportative n n n Visual may be marked but usually unmarked Does quotative count? Inferred Speaker’s responsibility for ‘facticity’ of the information conveyed or for the event itself n connection to culture: interactive expectations and ethnography of speech 28

Evidentiality: abundant Interaction with grammar and morphology n From obligatory to discourse-based n n

Evidentiality: abundant Interaction with grammar and morphology n From obligatory to discourse-based n n Visual may be marked but usually unmarked From particles to paradimgs of suffixes to fusion with tense, person and number (Tuyuca < East Tukano) 29

Ergative alignment: many n n Carib, Arawak, Tupi, (Macro) Jê, Nadahup, Panoan, Zaparo, Yagua,

Ergative alignment: many n n Carib, Arawak, Tupi, (Macro) Jê, Nadahup, Panoan, Zaparo, Yagua, Yanomami, Trumai, Tacana, Guahibo Ergativity: ‘counter’-splits: n n Ergative on pronouns, accusative on NPs Ergative in present (generic / habitual), accusative with past reference 30

Active alignment: Tupi n n Alias: split intranstive, active-stative, split S, fluid S Especially

Active alignment: Tupi n n Alias: split intranstive, active-stative, split S, fluid S Especially Tupi-Guarani n in common with N. America? A A P P A reason to introduce the fourth slot to Dixonian A/S/P opposition? Need to distinguish between S=A and S=P? 31

Active alignment: Tupi n n Alias: split intranstive, active-stative, split S, fluid S Especially

Active alignment: Tupi n n Alias: split intranstive, active-stative, split S, fluid S Especially Tupi-Guarani S A P Rather, distinction is based on verbal classification: stative vs. active n Stative may exhibit nominal properties n The same verb may be construed with active and stative interpretation 32

Active alignment: Tupi n Guarani: Stative (P-prefix) Active (A-prefix) che-yta ‘I can swim’ a-yta

Active alignment: Tupi n Guarani: Stative (P-prefix) Active (A-prefix) che-yta ‘I can swim’ a-yta ‘I swim’ che-monda ‘I'm a thief’ a-monda ‘I steal’ che-karu ‘I'm a big eater’ a-karu ‘I eat’ che-ka’a ‘I'm a drunkard’ a-ka’a ‘I get drunk’ che-guata ‘I'm a fast walker’ a-guata ‘I walk’ che-kirirĩ ‘I'm a quiet person’ a-kirirĩ ‘I stop talking’ 33