Konso Causative Maarten Mous Causative subject causes the
Konso Causative Maarten Mous
Causative: • subject causes the action • no argument is removed • mostly transitive
Intransitive Causative: i awd-é s 3 bright-pf ‘It is midday/totally bright. ’
Intransitive Causative: waaqa i awd-ish-é god s 3 bright-caus-pf ‘The weather is clear again. ’
indirect causatives: i pur-sh-é i pur-sis-é he i pur-aciis-é he exchanged let somebody exchange he let somebody exchange
Analytic causative: aka dee-óo i that come-dep 3 He made him come. kod-e make-pf
Analytic: causee nominative: aka atte dee-t-óo i that you: nom come-2 -dep 3 He made you come. kód-e make-pf
Morpho: causee accusative: D'inoote aná (*antí) pisha fol-aciis-é Dinote me: acc (*me: nom) water heat-icaus 2 -pf Dinoote let me boil water.
Konso <> Oromo The Konso indirect causatives do not simply add agents to the verb frame.
Oromo causative marker = agent Thus: causative of agentive intransitive: 2 x CAUS causative of patient oriented intransitive: 1 x CAUS
Examples d’ug- ‘to drink’ > d’ugsiis ‘to make drink’ gog ‘be dry’> gogs ‘make dry’ (Dubinsky et al. 1988: 486)
But Konso: • qora i kok-é-n wood. pl 3 dry-pf-pl The wood is dry. • D'inoote qora kok-sh-é Dinote wood dry-caus-pf Dinote dried the wood.
But Konso: • pisha i water. p 3 Water boiled • isheetá aanna she milk She boiled milk xar-é-n boil-pf-p i 3 xar-iss-é boil-caus: f-pf
But Konso: • Anto i keer-é Anto 3 run-pf Anto ran • Anto Dinoote keer-sh-é Anto Dinote run-caus-pf Anto made Dinote run.
But • actually the situation is more complex in Oromo and the rule does not hold.
Form of simple causative verb aff‑ alt‑ arm‑ d’ot‑ waad‑ pas‑ daash‑ ajuj‑ qah‑ nah‑ miih‑ xaay‑ shoulder’ meaning be smothered approach indirectly weed stab hurry loose give order, command flee, run away be good hearted be spoilt let down causative aff-ish‑ alt-ish‑ arm-ish‑ dot-ish‑ waad-ish‑ pas-ish‑ daash-ish‑ ajuj-ish‑ qah-ash‑ nah-ash‑ miih-ish‑ xaay-(i)sh‑ ‘lift up onto
Form of simple causative yo’ ‘want more than needed’ CAUS: i yoosh‑é 3. m < yo’‑sh‑é i yo’issé 3. f < yo’‑sh-t-é caus –sh: • deletion of glottal stop, compensatory lenghtening; • epenthetic vowel *CCC, assimilation
Form of simple causative underlying gloss surface i sook-sh-é 3 -go. out-caus-pf isooshshé is-sook-ish-t-é 2 -go. out-caus-2 -pf issookissé in-sook-ish-n-é 1 -go. out-caus-1 pl-pf insookinné meaning he took out you took out we took out
s as morphologically conditioned variant: if verb. der. follows i oor-é he returned i oor-sh-é he let return, he called back i oor-s-ad-é he took back for himself i oor-s-at-am-é it was taken back
s as morphologically conditioned variant (not for sh of stem) base doosh‑ dish‑ duush‑ meaning gulp down plant lose weight middle/passive doosh-ad‑ dish‑ad‑ duush‑am
s as morphologically conditioned variant: only before certain morphemes hedd-ish heddis-a hedd-ish-ampay hedis‑am sewing tailor passive
Two indirect causatives • i pursh-é i pur-sis-é i pur-aciis-é he exchanged he let somebody exchange
Only indirect causatives • i eenn-ay *i een-sh-ay i eenn-acis-ay he milked he let somebody milk
indirect • i kutt-ad-é i kutt-ish-é i kutt-aciis-é a child he grew he took care of a child he let someone else take care of
indirect • i paaq-é i paaq-sh-é i paaq-aciis-é patient he is ill he took care of a patient he let somebody take care of a
indirect • pirreeta oorra dam-sh-é money people eat-caus-pf Money fed the people. • pirreeta oorra dam-sis-é money people eat-icaus 1 -pf Money fed the people.
indirect • Mammó damtáa oorra dam-sh-é Mammo food people eat-caus-pf Mammo fed the people. • Mammó oorra damtáa dam-aciis-é Mammo people food eat-icaus 2 -pf Mammo ordered the people to eat food.
indirect • Dinoote inna muk-sh-é Dinote boy sleep-caus-pf Dinote made the boy sleep • Dinoote inna muk-sis-é Dinote boy sleep-icaus 1 -pf Dinote made the boy sleep by using a sleeping pill.
More indirect • Dinoote Ongaye Til-opá paq-sis-é Dinote Ongaye Dila-dir leave-icaus 1 -pf Dinote made Ongaye evacuate to Dila. • Dinoote Ongaye palet-aysho oppa ale paq-aciis-é Dinote Ongaye village-his to away leave-icaus 2 -pf Dinote organized his village to chase Ongaye away.
Conclusion The function of the causative is to add an external cause, which is expressed in the subject, to a state of affairs. The syntactic correlate of adding an agent argument as subject for most but not all verbs is the consequence of the meaning of the causative suffix. Transitivity is corollary.
Conclusion The form of the causative is ‑sh although there is lexical evidence for s at an earlier stage of the language. The addition of an epenthetic vowel i and assimilation of sh when followed by a consonantal inflectional suffix can be accounted for by general phonological constaints.
Conclusion The double causative in Konso expresses a more indirect, less involved, and less controlled causer in subject position. This lesser degree of involvedness is typically realised by a third factor, whether human or not, but this mediator need not be expressed, nor even implied.
Conclusion The other indirect causative in Konso which is etymologically a double causative added to a middle derivation is even more indirect when compared to the double causative. This is the effect of the spontaneous action meaning of the middle suffix. the indirect causative ‑aciis is more common than the double causative ‑sis
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