Informal Labour Transnational Labour Regimes and South Korean

Informal Labour, Transnational Labour Regimes, and South Korean Development. 非正規勞 、跨國勞 制度和韓國發展 Prepared for Impact of Precarious Employment and Response from the East Asian Experience, HKCTU 22 -23 June 2019 Dae-oup Chang Global Korean Studies, Sogang University, Seoul, Korea 1

1. Methodologically Nationalist View of Informal Labour. 非正規勞 的方法論民族主義觀點 2. Changing Territoriality of Labour Regimes and Emergence of Transnational Labour Regimes. 勞動制度的地域性變化與跨國勞動制度的出現 3. South Korean Experience. 韓國經驗 2

1. Methodologically nationalist view of informal labour. 非正規勞 的方法論民族主義觀點 3

1 -1. Earlier understanding of informal labour. 早期對非正規勞動的理解。 • Focused firstly on ‘labour without protection’ in particular economic sectors outside formal regulation (unregistered businesses) in developing countries, particularly in Africa = “Informal sector” in the late 70 s. • 首先關注“缺乏保障的勞動力”，特別是發展中國家未被正規監管 （未註冊企業）的行業，特別是在非洲= 70年代後期的“非正行業 ”。 • “Informal economy”: expanded to include all workers not recongnised or protected by national legal regulatory framework, whether in informal or formal enterprises. • “非正規經濟”：擴大到包括所有未被國家法律監管框架承認或保 護的 人，無論是在非正規企業還是正規企業。 4

1 -2. This understanding has many problems. 這種理解存在諸多問題。 1) It assumes a linear passage of national development and labour. 它假定了國家發展和勞動的線性發展 • From: National development that is not capitalist enough + National labour regimes that are not formal enough. • 由: 不夠資本主義的國家發展 + 不夠正規的國家勞 制度。 • To: National development that is capitalist enough + National labour regimes that are formal enough. • 至: 足夠資本主義的國家發展 + 足夠正規的國家勞 制度。 • A temporary problem that can be fixed by industrialisation of developing countries. • 發展中國家可以透過 業化來解決的暫時問題。 • [Informal labour -> capitalist industrialisation-> formal labour] resembles modernization theory [Traditional society -> modernization -> high consuming society]. • [非正規勞 資本主義 業化 正規勞動] 類似于現代化理論 [傳統社會 現代化 高消 費社會]。 2) Power relations through which legal regulatory framework is actually constituted are missing. 實際構成法律監管框架的權力關係缺失 • It is the power of collective labour rather than laws that matters. • 重要的是集體勞動的力量, 而不是法律。 5

1 -3. Another important problem we want to tackle here. . 我們想在這裡解決的另一個重要問題⋯⋯ • Informal labour: a problem of and within national labour regimes in underdeveloped national economies in global south. • 非正規勞動: 全球南方不發達的國家經濟中國家勞 制度內部的問題。 • ‘Methodologically nationalist view of informal labour’: because we saw development as ‘national’ process and labour regimes as a ‘national’ system. • 「非正規勞 的方法論民族主義觀點」: 因為我們將發展視為 "國家" 進程, 將勞 制度視為 "國家" 制度 • The orthodox description of capitalist development: essentially a national process of 1) building up industrial capacity and 2) addressing the dark side of industrialisation within the national boundaries. • 對資本主義發展的教條式描述: 本質上是一個國家進程, 1) 建設 業實力, 2) 解決國內 業化的陰暗面 • Development based mostly on the within-the-territory combination of national capital and national labour (capital relations within nation states). • 發展主要基於領土內國家資本和國家勞動力的整合 (民族國家內部的資本關係) • Therefore, assuming the particular territoriality of labour regimes through which capital relations are maintained: “national”. • 因此, 假設勞動制度的地域性以資本關係來維持: 「國家」 6

• Labour regimes: the ways in which capitalist labour is reproduced, recruited and utilised within national boundaries (? ) • 勞 制度: 在國家邊界內複製、招聘和利用資本主義勞動力的方式 (？) • This prevents us from understanding the relation between informalising labour and the changing territoriality of labour regimes in contemporary global capitalism. • 這使得我們無法理解勞動力非正規化與當代全球資本主義中勞 制度的地 域性不斷變化間之關係 • However, contemporary capitalist globalisation (since the 80 s) has changed the territoriality of capital relations and labour regimes. • 然而, 當代資本主義的全球化 (自 80年代以來) 改變了資本關係和勞 制度的 地域性 • Even before, labour regimes are not isolated national processes and articulated to one another by global capitalism. • 即使在以前，勞 制度也不是孤立的國家進程，並由全球資本主義相互掛 鉤 7

2. Changing territoriality of labour regimes and the emergence of transnational labour regimes. 勞動制度的地域性變化與跨國勞動制度的出現 8

2 -1. Articulation of different sets of labour regimes, mediated by trade and investment between national economies. 在國家經濟之間的貿易和投資的調解中, 連接不同的勞動制度 Underdevelopment of Country B Local informal labour + local / colonial elites B 國的落後發展 當地非正規勞 + 當地/殖民精英 Commodity 商品 Development of country A Local labour+local capital A 國的發展 當地勞動力 + 當地資本 • This was the old international (colonial) division of labour at the both sides of which different local labour regimes existed. • • • 這是兩種不同地方的勞 制度，在舊有的國際 (殖民)體系中的分 Not necessarily capitalist labour regimes / capital relations in colonies. 不一定是殖民地的資本主義勞 制度/資本關係 Labour in B involved “unfree labour” while labour in A began to be formalised. B國中的勞動涉及 「不自由勞動」，而 A 的勞動則步入正規化 9

• EG: The transnational cotton economy was based on (semi-) slavery in the South of the US and India, on the one hand, and waged labour in the global garment industry centred on UK, on the other (Beckert 2014). • 例：跨國棉花經濟是建基於美國南部和印度 (半) 奴隸制，以 發以英國為中心的全球服裝業的有酬勞 (Beckt, 2014年)。 10

2 -2. Articulation of different sets of capitalist labour regimes (with different degrees of exploitation) through ‘trade and investment’. 透過 「貿易和投資」闡明不同的資本主義制度 (具有不同程度的剝削)。 Development of Country B Local labour+local capital B 國的發展 當地勞動力 + 當地資本 • • • Commodity 商品 Development of country A Local labour+local capital 發佈展會 A 當地勞動力 + 當地資本 (B) was the new international division of labour from the 60 s between advanced capitalist economies and newly industrialising economies such as Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. (B) 是從 60年代開始, 發達資本主義經濟體與韓國、臺灣、香港等新興 業化經濟體之間出現了新 的國際分 In both sides, capitalist labour became dominant. 對雙方來說，資本主義勞動力成為主導 But, A had formalised labour (Fordism) while B had predominantly informal labour (peripheral Fordism) whose production satisfied Fordist mass consumption in advanced capitalist economies. 但是，A 已擁有正規勞 (福特主義)而 B 則以非正規勞 為主 (週邊福特主義)，其生產滿足了發 達資本主義經濟體的福特式大眾消費 11

2 -3. Now different sets of capitalist labour regimes are combined through transnationalising capital relations. 不同的資本主義制度通過資本關係的跨國化而結合在一起 • “Transnational labour regimes” (TLRs) refer to labour regimes becoming increasingly transnational processes through the increasing transnational movement of both (1) capital and (2) (re)productive labour. • 「跨國勞 制度」 是指通過日益增加的 (1) 資本和 (2) (再) 生產勞動力的跨國流動，勞動制度變得越來越跨國化 的過程 • This process involves largely three inter-related processes: • 這過程主要涉及三個相互關聯的過程： • 1) a transnational space between different labour regimes is created by increasing transnational capital relations in which citizen-workers become no one’s citizens, • (1) 通過日益擴大的跨國資本關係，在不同的勞動制度之間創造了一種跨國空間。在這種關係中， 公民 人不再 成為任何公民 • 2) local labour regimes are no longer ‘local’ as they are affected and maintained by transnational forces, • (2) 地方勞動制度不再是「本土」制度, 因為它們受到跨國勢力的影響和維護 • (3) rather than being homogenised, different labour regimes are subordinated to a transnational hierarchy of labour regimes, serving different nodes of transnational accumulation of capital. • (3)不同的勞 制度並不是同質化的，而是從屬於跨國勞動制度階層中的一部分，為跨國資本積累的不同節點服 務 12

Transnationalisation of Labour Regimes 勞動制度的跨國化 National economy A 國民經濟 A LABOUR勞 CAPITAL資本 LABOUR勞 2. Transnational labour regimes in transnational space 2. 跨國空間的跨國勞 制度 3. Transnational hierarchy of labour regimes 3. 勞 制度的跨國階 層 LABOUR勞 CAPITAL資本 National economy B 國民經濟 B 1. Transnational capital relations 1. 跨國資本關係 National economy C 國民經濟 C 13

2 -4. The scale of transnational labour regimes 跨國勞動制度的規模 • Production through transnational capital relations is no longer marginal vis-a-vis production through combining local labour and local capital. • 相對於將當地勞動力和資本結合的生產，透過跨國資本關係進行的生產不再是微不足道 • During the three-decade up to 2016, global merchandise export 6 folded from US$2, 520, 005 million in 1987 to US$16, 029, 692 million in 2016 • 在截至 2016年的30年中, 全球商品出口總值從 1987年的 2萬 5千2百億美元增長六倍至 2016年的 1兆6萬零 2 百 90億美元 • Global inward FDI which establishes transnational capital relations increased almost by 13 times from US$136, 869 million in 1987 to US$1, 746, 423 million in 2016. • 建立跨國資本關係的全球內海外直接投資幾乎增加了 13倍, 從 1987年的1千3百 60億美元增加至 2016年的 1萬 7千4百 60億美元。 • In China, for example, production and employment through transnational capital relations accounts for approximately 50 percent of total export and 20 percent of industrial employment, respectively (Enright 2017). • 例如在中國，通過跨國資本關係實現的生產力和就業分別佔出口總額的50% 和 業勞動力的 20% (Enright, 2017年)。 • Transnational labour regimes accelerate the informalisation of labour whose formalization process was based upon the power of collective labour within “national labour regimes”. • 跨國勞 制度加速了勞動力的非正規化，其正規化進程是以「國家勞動制度」內集體勞動力為基礎的 14

3. Changing territoriality of labour regimes and the global informalisation of labour: the South Korean case. 轉變中的勞動制度地域性和勞動力的全球非正規化： 韓國案子 15

3 -1. South Korean development as ‘national development’ vs transnational process. 韓國的發展是「國家發展」還是「跨國進程」 • South Korean development appears to be a typical success story of national development. • 韓國的發展似乎是國家發展的典型成功故事 • Transformed from one of the most ‘backward’ economies to one of the high performing economies of the world. • 從最“落後”的經濟體之一轉變為世界上一個高績效經濟體 • The 11 th largest economy and with its US$ 28, 000 GDP per capita (USD current). • 第 11大經濟體，人均GDP為 28, 000美元（美元現值） • Something to be achieved through “coordinated effort of the nation”. • 通過「國家協調」實現的目標 • The developmental state literature: presents South Korea as a prototype ‘developmental state’ and, thereby, a national development agency defending national interests vis-à-vis the ‘world market’ (Amsden 1989; Chang, H-J. 1999; Evans 1995). • 國家發展文獻：將韓國視為原型「國家型發展」，從而把國家當成一個發展機構，在「世 界市場」中捍衛國家利益（Amsden 1989; Chang，H-J. 1999; Evans 1995）。 16

But… 但是… • Korea, together with Taiwan and Japan, became a bulwark against communists. • 韓國與台灣和日本一起成為對抗共產的堡壘 • The Korean state was half-sovereign state: surrendered half of sovereignty to the US. • 韓國是一個半主權國家：向美國放棄了一半的主權 • In exchange, aid, resources and market access for capital accumulation: NIDL • 作為交換資本積累的援助、資源和市場準入：NIDL • The nature of the so-called developmental state: mediating the need of global capital and cheap labour in Korea by cultivating a particular labour regime predominantly controlled through the cold-war logics and suppression. • 所謂國家型發展的性質：通過培養特定的勞動制度來協調全球資本和韓國 廉價勞動力的需求，這種勞動制度主要通過冷戰邏輯和壓制來控制 • Maintained nationally but over-determined by global capitalism. • 在國內維持，但受全球資本主義所決定 17

3 -2. South Korea and transnational labour regimes 韓國和跨國勞動制度 • Its development attains increasingly transnational nature. • 它的發展越來越具有跨國性 • Korea’s outward FDI (foreign direct investment) began to increase from the late 1980 s – transition from madein-Korea to Made-by-Korea. • 韓國對外直接投資（海外直接投資）從 20世紀80年代後期開始增加 - 從「在韓國製造」過渡到「由韓國 製造」 • Between 2000 and 2013, Korea’s FDI outflow increased from US$5. 29 billion to 30. 19 billion, 470% increased. • 2000年至 2013年間，韓國的對外直接投資流量從 52. 9億美元增加到 301. 9億美元，增長 470％ • By 2014, South Korea is the world’s 13 th largest foreign investor. (during the same period merchandise export grew about 320% according to UNCTAD). • 2014年，韓國是世界第 13大外國投資者 （根據聯合國貿易和發展會議，同期商品出口增長約320％） • Korean development is no longer based on the combination of the national labour force and national capital within its territorial boundary -> Transnational capital relations. • 韓國的發展不再建基於國家勞動力和國家資本在其領土範圍內的結合 - >跨國資本關係 • Through the movement of capital and migration of labour: labour regimes that control labour for ‘Korean development’ are becoming transnational processes. • 通過資本流動和勞動力遷移：支配「韓國發展」的勞動制度正在成為跨國進程 18

Transnationalisation of labour regimes: the Korean case 跨國化的勞動制度︰ 韓國經驗 LR 1: Formal labour in Korea LR 1：韓國的正規 勞 Korean (or TNCs) capital + Korean labour 韓國（或跨國公司） 資本+韓國勞 Korean Development 韓國發展 Cheap labour in FDI firms in developing Cheap labour in FDI LR 3~: Cheap labour in firms in developing countries firms in developing FDI firms in Asian countries 發展中國家外資公司 countries developing countrie 發展中國家外資公司 的廉價勞動力 發展中國家外資公司 LR 3~：亞洲發展中國 的廉價勞動力 家外資公司的廉價勞 動力 Korean capital + ? Labour 韓國資本+？ 勞 LR? : Migrant (re)productive labour in Korea LR？ ：韓國的移民 （再）生�勞動力 LR 2: Informalising labour in Korea LR 2：韓國的非正 規勞 Capital A A 資本 19

Table 1: Korean FDI (1968 -2016) to Top 15 Asian Destinations in Thousand US$ 表 1：韓國對外投資（1968 -2016）在亞洲的首 15個目的地（以千美元計） Country 國家 Approved 被認可 New Firms 新公 Approved Amount Investment 投資 司 核准金� Total FDI 對外投資總和 150, 310 63, 145 407, 410, 642 288, 657, 295 Asia 亞洲 101, 629 42, 443 172, 946, 471 121, 536, 787 China 中國 52, 716 24, 878 67, 017, 217 50, 331, 693 Hong Kong 香港 5, 137 1, 816 19, 818, 295 16, 113, 863 Vietnam 越南 Indonesia 印尼 Singapore 新加坡 Japan 日本 Malaysia 馬來西亞 India 印度 Philippines 菲律賓 Kazakhstan 哈薩克斯坦 Myanmar 緬甸 Thailand 泰國 Cambodia柬埔寨 Taiwan 台灣 Uzbekistan 烏茲別克斯坦 Mongolia 蒙古 10, 053 3, 524 19, 270, 016 11, 414, 384 5, 481 1, 848 12, 669, 006 8, 279, 251 2, 223 694 7, 765, 856 6, 421, 891 7, 064 2, 766 7, 456, 315 5, 753, 552 1, 763 710 7, 350, 698 4, 482, 874 2, 205 754 5, 143, 878 3, 679, 028 3, 883 1, 511 4, 428, 833 3, 246, 578 745 262 3, 708, 996 2, 501, 069 407 183 4, 795, 649 2, 226, 421 2, 439 854 2, 876, 631 2, 209, 763 2, 652 1, 047 788 381 4, 577, 197 848, 845 2, 039, 561 656, 407 580 239 1, 343, 519 639, 945 1, 242 511 758, 849 390, 102 Source: Korea Exim Banks Database 20

3 -2 -1. The scale of transnational labour regimes built abroad by Korean capital (KOTRA database in 2014) 韓國資本在國外建立的跨國勞動制度規模（2014年KOTRA數據庫） • In Vietnam alone, 1, 334 Korean firms reported that they employed 593, 518 workers. About 4000 South Korean firms existed in Vietnam. • 僅在越南，就有1, 334家韓國公司報稱僱傭了593, 518名 人。 越南有大約4000家韓國公司 • In Indonesia, 773 firms reported that they employed 576, 451 workers. Approximately, there are 2, 000 South Korean firms in Indonesia. • 在印尼，773家公司報稱僱用了576, 451名 人。 在印尼大約有2, 000家韓國公司 • In China, 3, 089 firms reported the number of their employees, a total of which amounted to 609, 664. More than 6, 000 South Korean firms in China. • 在中國，有3, 089家公司報稱僱用達 609, 664人。 在國有6000多家韓國公司 • FDI to these three countries accounts for only a quarter of Korea’s outward accumulated FDI. • 以上三家的對外直接投資總額僅佔韓國對外累積投資的四分之一 • Not only Korean workers but also this transnational workforce works for ‘Korean’ development. • 不僅韓國 人，這些跨國勞動力也為「韓國的」發展 作 21

3 -2 -2. The quality of TLRs built by Korean capital 韓國首都建造的跨國勞 制度的質量 • Transnational labour regimes do not lead to convergence of labour conditions in different localities. • 跨國勞動制度不會導致對不同地區的勞動條件趨同 • No evidence of any meaningful upward convergence of labour standards and levels of welfare for the working population between Korea and Asian developing countries. • 沒有證據顯示韓國與亞洲發展中國家的勞 標準和福利水平有任何有意義 的向上趨同 • Rather they utilise the differences between different local labour regimes. • 相反，他們利用不同地方勞動制度之間的差異 • This means that labour regimes continue to maintain local configurations to a large extent (mixed with the characteristics of the earlier labour regime of South Korea) and at the same time be parts of transnational labour regimes. • 這意味著勞動制度在很大程度上繼續維持當地形勢（與韓國早期勞動制度 的特徵相結合），同時也是跨國勞動制度的一部分 22

3 -3. Korean development and transnational labour regimes: migrant labour regime. 韓國發展和跨國勞動制度：移民勞 製度 LR 1: Formal labour in Korea LR 1：韓國的正規 勞 Korean (or TNCs) capital + Korean labour 韓國（或跨國公 司）資本+韓國 勞 Korean Development 韓國發展 LR 2: Informalising labour in Korea LR 2：韓國的非正 規勞 Cheap labour in FDI firms in developing Cheap labour in FDI LR 3~: Cheap labour in firms in developing countries firms in developing FDI firms in Asian countries 發展中國家外資公司 countries developing countrie 發展中國家外資公司 的廉價勞動力 發展中國家外資公司 LR 3~：亞洲發展中國 的廉價勞動力 家外資公司的廉價勞 動力 Korean capital + ? Labour 韓國資本+？ 勞 LR? : Migrant (re)productive labour in Korea LR？ ：韓國的移民 （再）生�勞動力 Capital A A 資本 23

• The South Korean government signed MOU for the Employment Permit System (EPS) with most developing countries in Asia • 韓國政府與亞洲大多數發展中國家簽署了就業許可證制度（EPS） 的諒解備忘錄 • Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, East Timor, Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. • 孟加拉、柬埔寨、中國、東帝汶、印度尼西亞、吉爾吉斯斯坦、蒙古、緬 甸、尼泊爾、巴基斯坦、菲律賓、斯里蘭卡、泰國、烏茲別克斯坦和越南 • The number of workers without Korean nationality had more than tenfolded since 1994, reaching approximately a million by 2018. • 自 1994年以來，非韓國國籍的 人增長超過十倍，到 2018年達到約 一百萬人 • These migrant workers form a significant part of the workforce in smallscale manufacturing, construction, agriculture and fishery in South Korea, contributing to the survival of these industries. • 這些移民 已成為韓國的小規模製造業、建築業、農業和漁業勞動 力的重要組成部分，為這些行業的生存做出了貢獻。 24

• EPS extended maximum contract period from 36 months to 58 months (Kong et al. 2010: 681). • 就業許可證最長合約期限從 36個月延長至 58個月（Kong et al. 2010： 681） • In 2012, the government also introduced a new scheme which allows employers to renew once more the 58 -month contracts with ‘exemplary’ workers. • 2012年，政府還推出了一項新計劃，允許僱主再次與“ 模範” 人續約58個月的合約 • Any way, two month shorter than required duration of stay to apply for permanent residence. Strange? – Not many think so because it is about blood. • 比申請永久居留所需的逗留時限短兩個月。 奇怪？ - 沒 有多少人這麼認為，因為它與血緣有關。 25

• Korea’s migrant labour regime as transnational labour regime is a result of transnational connection. • 韓國的移 制度作為跨國勞動制度，是跨國聯繫的結果 • But it is featured by multiple disconnections. • 但它的特點是多層脫節 • No matter how long they work in Korea, they cannot be actual part of Korean society as they cannot be permanent residents: “living and working disconnected from Korea”. • 無論他們在韓國 作多久，他們都不能成為韓國社會的實際組成部分。因為他們不能成為永久居民：「 生活和 作與韓國脫節」 • Also, no matter how long they work in Korea, it is not possible for them to live with their family: “living and working disconnected from their families”. • 此外，無論他們在韓國 作多久，他們都不可能和家人住在一起：「生活和 作與家人脫節」 • The South Korean state as a “racial state” performs a key role in the ongoing racial formation of South Korea (Lee 2010: 188). • 韓國作為一個「種族國家」，在韓國的種族形成中起著關鍵作用（Lee，2010： 188） • The state allows labor migration in order to serve the needs of national economy, while insisting on the conception of South Korea as an ethnically homogeneous nation by not allowing them to be actual part of Korea. • 國家允許勞務移民以滿足國民經濟的需要，同時堅持將韓國視為一個種族同質的國家，不允許他們成為 韓國的一部分 26

• Dis/connection between the workers’ bodies and the location of their labor performed on the one hand, and their citizenship and the location of their nativity on the other. While their bodies are located in Korea, working , consuming, and living there, migrant workers are treated as if they were living in their own countries (Lee 2010: 190). • 人雖然身處於一個國家 作，但他們的公民身份卻在別的國家。 雖然他 們的身體位於韓國，在那里 作，消費和生活，但移民 人被視為生活在 他們自己的國家（Lee 2010： 190）。 • But they are not living in their countries and their citizenship, rights and identities are left in their home countries. • 他們並在他們的祖國生活，但他們的公民身份、權利和身份都留在他們的 祖國 • Essentially, permanently informal. • 基本上是永久的非正規 人 27

Conclusion 總結 • Methodologically nationalist view of informal labour prevents us from understanding the interaction between informalising labour and the changing territoriality of labour regimes in contemporary global capitalism. • 非正規勞 的方法論民族主義觀點使我們無法理解當代全球資本主義中非 正規化勞動與勞動制度地域性變化之間的相互關係 • Increasing influence of transnational capital relations and transnational labour regimes over ‘development’. • 跨國資本關係和跨國勞動制度對「發展」的影響越來越大。 • South Korean case shows that transnational labour regimes facilitate the informalisation of labour. • 韓國的經驗顯示，跨國勞動制度有助於勞動非正規化 • Formalisation strategy based upon the assumed territoriality of labour regimes needs to be reconsidered at the least. • 建基於勞動制度地域性這假定上的爭取勞動正規化策略，必須要重新考慮 28