Davis Moore consider society as something like an

Davis & Moore功能論 • …consider society as something like an organism, theory argued that this organism has needs that must be met if it is to remain healthy. • Among these needs is for the most important positions or jobs in the society to be staffed by the most qualified and competent people. • Social stratification is considered a mechanism that ensures that the need is met. 9

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 1) Certain positions in any society are functionally more important than others, and require special skills to fill them. 社會中的某些職位在功能上較為重要， 且需要「特殊技能」才能勝任這些職位。 • 2) 社會中只有少數的「可造之才」可以被訓練而 取得擔任這些職位所需的技能Only a limited number of people in any society have the talents that can be trained into the skills appropriate to these positions. 10

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 3)這些「可造之才」需透過一段時期的訓練，才 能將「才能」轉為「技能」。接受訓練期間需負 擔某種程度的犧牲及成本The conversion of talents into skills involves a training period during which sacrifices of one kind or another are made by those undergoing the training. 11

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 4) 為了使有「才能」的人願意接受訓練，這些職 位必須提供某種程度的「差別誘因」--可以取得 稀少及人人想要的報酬的特權或特殊管道In order to induce the talented people to undergo these sacrifices and acquire the training, their future positions must carry an inducement value in the form of a differential—that is, privileged and disproportionate access to the scarce and desired rewards the society has to offer. 12

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 5) 這些稀少及人人想要的「貨品」包含依附於職 位的權力及特權，一般可以分成：（a) 生活舒適 （b)娛樂消遣（c) 自尊及自我拓展These scarce and desired goods consist of the rights and prerequisites attached to, or built into, the positions, and can be classified into those things that contribute to (a) sustenance and comfort, (b) humor and diversion, and (c) self‑respect and ego expansion. 13

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 6) 由於取得基本報酬的能力及管道不同，造成各 個社會層級在聲望及自尊上的分化。以致於形成 體制化的社會不平等，及社會階層化。This differential access to the basic rewards of the society has as a consequence the differentiation of the prestige and esteem various strata acquire. It may be said to constitute, along with the rights and prerequisites, institutionalized social inequality; that is, stratification. 14

The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 7) 因此，不同社會層級之間在資源、報酬、 社會聲望、自尊取得上的不平等狀態，對 整個社會來說是具有正面功能，而且是不 可避免的。Therefore, social inequality among different strata in the amounts of scarce and desired goods and the amounts of prestige and esteem they receive is both positively functional and inevitable in any society. 15

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 1) 醫師的 作是否比清潔人員重要？It can be argued that the job performed by the physician is more important than that of a garbage collector. • 在大都會中，這兩種職業對於社會正常的運作具 有同等的重要性The differing importance of these two positions is somewhat questionable because in large urban areas both are important. 16

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 2) 想當醫師必須具備特殊的「才能」，必須要是 「可造之才」Davis and Moore assume the task of a physician requires special talents that are limited in the population. • 醫師必須經過長期的訓練，而清潔員不需任何訓 練In addition, to become a physician requires a long training period if the special talents are to be developed into the needed skills. No such talents or training period is required for a garbage collector. 17

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 3) 接受醫師訓練必須有所犧牲，包含在醫學院中 所花費的時間、金錢、努力、及承受的心理壓力 等。清潔員不需如此的犧牲。It is further assumed that some sacrifice is necessary to acquire the needed skills of a physician. Such sacrifice would include the time, money, effort, and psychological pressure involved in medical school. The position of garbage collector requires no such sacrifice to obtain training. 18

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 4) 醫師的期望報酬必須夠高，才能吸引有才能的 人做上述的犧牲。清潔員的 作不需提供特殊的 報酬來吸引人來從事這個 作。In order to induce qualified people to undergo the sacrifice of obtaining the needed skills to perform as physicians, the future position must bring expected rewards appropriate to the required sacrifice. No such special rewards are seen as necessary to fill the position of garbage collector. 19

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 5) 因此，社會必須賦予醫師職位較高的報酬。 Thus, the rewards, of various types, must be attached to or built into the position. In other words, the rewards must not be random (only some physicians highly paid), but an expected part of a position as physician for maximum inducement to people with special talents. 20

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 6) 由於取得報酬的管道有別，這兩個職位 反映出不同的聲望及自尊。A result is that the physician and garbage collector have differing access to the basic rewards of the society, and the two positions reflect differing amounts of prestige and esteem. 21

醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較 Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 7) 因此，為了確保醫生的職位能夠吸引最有才能 的人來擔任，不平等對於社會的運作而言，不但 是具有正面的功能，也是不可避免的。Therefore, social inequality with respect to the positions of physician and garbage collector is both positively functional and inevitable to ensure that the position of physician is filled by the most qualified people. 22

勞動市場的供需模型 A labor market model in disguise? • Davis-Moore的模型與經濟學的勞動市場的供需模 型沒有太大的區別It is a labor market model analyzing the supply and demand of labor as it relates to rewards for labor. • 其基本運作邏輯為：當社會對於某一類職位的需 求高於供給量時，社會必須提供更高的報酬來吸 引人來就職。When the supply of skilled labor is low in relation to the amount of labor needed, the employer (in Davis and Moore's perspective, the society) will be required to pay more for this labor. 23

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • As Collins (1975: 420) argues: “Following through the pure market model leads us to a startling conclusion: The system must tend toward perfect equality in the distribution of wealth. ” Collins指出：「如果單純地按照經 濟學的市場模型來推論，我們將得到以下 的結論：整個社會在財富分配上將會逐漸 的趨於完全的公平。」 24

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 假設勞動力可以自由的流動，則高薪的 作將吸 引大量的人力來競標，致使薪資逐漸下降，而低 薪的 作由於聘僱困難，將逐漸提高薪資以吸引 人才，當市場行情薪資偏離了均衡水準，勞動力 的自由移動將使的各行各業的薪資水準不至於相 差太大。 • Because where labor is free to move to higher paying jobs, the jobs that pay high wages will attract a surplus of workers, leading to a decline in the income for these jobs. Jobs paying low wages would tend to attract fewer workers. Without market restraints "wherever jobs pay above or below the average, processes are set in motion through labor mobility which eventually bring wages back into line with all the others" (Collins 1975: 120). 25

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 如果我們將 作條件、環境、及職業聲望等考慮進去，則 從純粹市場及經濟邏輯的角度來分析，醫師的薪資應該少 於垃圾清潔人員，因為他們的其他報酬（聲望、 作環境 等）較高。 • And if we consider other rewards attached to positions, such as a good working environment or the prestige that comes with greater skill, (assuming a free market model), we might find that a physician would be paid less (in income) than a garbage collector because of the other rewards (such as prestige and working environment) attached to the position of physician. 27

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • Davis和Moore辯稱不是每一個人都具有擔任醫師 的條件，因此完全競爭的勞動市場並不存在。 Davis and Moore argue in the original theory that not everyone is equally talented or capable of performing the tasks of some very important positions. In this sense they do not acknowledge free labor competition. Many people could collect garbage, but only a few have the talent to become physicians. 28

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • Are there really so few people with the talent to make it through medical school and become physicians? • 你覺得只有少數人可以完成醫學院的訓練、擔任 外科醫生的 作嗎？ 29

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 因為醫師公會及醫學院的限額制度，醫生的供給 量受到很大的限制，Davis-Moore的理論完全忽略 了權力在分配中所扮演的角色。 • There are limitations on who and how many people can become physicians because of the ability of the medical profession to restrict and limit access to training for the occupation. Most of the criticisms of the Davis and Moore theory evolve around their neglect of power 30

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • The greater the rewards received by individuals or groups, the greater their ability to make sure they continue receiving such rewards, and even more rewards, no matter what function they serve for the society. • 個人獲得的報酬越多，他們越有能力能確保自己 可以持續不斷地獲利，即使是他們所執行的任務 對於社會以毫無價值或功能可言。 31

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 哪些職位對社會而言較為重要？誰來界定職位的 重要性？There is also the question of what, in fact, the most important positions in the society are. • 擁有權力的人可以影響職位價值的界定Those with power are able to influence which positions are defined as most important 32

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • And some criticism questions the degree of inequality necessary among positions in our society. • 即使不平等可以提供必要的誘因，究竟社會當中 需要多大程度的不平等才足夠？ 33

對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 就算醫生比垃圾需要更高的技能及訓練，如果醫師的薪資 為垃圾清潔員的二十倍，我們可不可以說醫師職位對於社 會的重要性為垃圾清潔人員的二十倍？還是因為某些職業 對於報酬的決定擁有較多的控制權及影響力。One may grant the assumption that a physician is more important than a garbage collector, or at least that the position of physician requires more training and skill. But, for example, if we find that the physician earns twenty times more income than the garbage collector, can we say that the physician is twenty times more important than the garbage collector? Or do some occupations provide greater control and influence that allow them to demand greater pay? 34

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (1) Social stratification systems function to limit the possibility of discovery of the full range of talent available in a society because of unequal access to appropriate motivation, channels of recruitment, and centers of training. • 由於社會提供給每一個人的誘因、就業管道、及 訓練機會是不平等的，因此階層化的系統使得個 人的才能是否能發揮受到很大的侷限。 35

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (2) In foreshortening the range of available talent, social stratification systems function to set limits upon the possibility of expanding the productive resources of the society, at least relative to what might be accomplished under conditions of greater equality of opportunity. • 在機會不平等的情況下，由於人才無法充分被發 掘或個人無法發揮其才能，階層化系統限制了社 會資源擴張的可能性。 36

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (3) Social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political power necessary to procure acceptance and dominance of an ideology that rationalizes the status quo, whatever it may be, as logical, natural, and morally right. • 社會階層化系統使得既得利益的菁英階層可以透 過政治權利來確保合理化現狀的意識型態獲得認 同及接受，是現狀變成一種邏輯上、自然的、及 道德上的合理狀態。 37

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (4) Social stratification systems function to distribute favorable self‑images unequally throughout the population. To the extent that such favorable selfimages are requisite to the development of the creative potential inherent in people, stratification systems function to limit the development of this creative potential. • 階層化系統使得社會中每一個人對於「自我形象 」有不同的認知，由於這種「優越感」為創造潛 力能否發展的先決條件，使得缺乏優越感者的創 造力受到很大的侷限。 38

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (5) To the extent that inequalities in social rewards cannot be made fully acceptable to the less privileged in a society, social stratification systems function to encourage hostility, suspicion, and distrust among the various segments of a society and thus to limit the possibilities of extensive social integration. • 在社會報酬的不平等情形無法為弱勢團體完全接 受的情況下，社會階層系統會使得各個階層間產 生敵意、猜忌、及不信任，限制了社會整合的可能。 39

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (6)To the extent that the sense of significant membership in a society depends on one's place on the prestige ladder of the society, social stratification systems function to distribute unequally the sense of significant membership in the population. • 個人是否覺得自己為社會中的重要成員，決定於 個人在聲望階梯中的位置，社會階層化系統會使 得不同階層的人對於自己是否為社會的重要成員 有不同的觀感。 40

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (7) To the extent that loyalty to a society depends on a sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute loyalty unequally in the population. • 由於對於社會的忠誠度決定於個人是否自覺為社 會的重要成員，因此不同得社會階層對於社會的 忠誠度也有很大的差異。 41

階層化及不平等的負功能 dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (8) To the extent that participation or apathy depend upon the sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute the motivation to participate unequally in a population. • 由於個人是否積極參與社會或採取冷漠的社會態 度與個人是否覺得自己為社會的重要成員有關， 因此不同社會階層的成員對於參與社會的動機及 意願有很大的差異。 42

Empirical Research on the Davis and Moore Theory • General population tends to believe that inequality and social stratification should operate in a manner generally suggested by the Davis and Moore theory. • Americans are much more likely to think that there is equality of opportunity in America, thus indicating they tend to think the stratification system in America operates in a manner suggested by the functional theory of stratification. 44

Parsons' Functional Theory of Social Stratification • Parsons' work has been highly influential in carrying on the tradition of Durkheim and the Warner school of social stratification in American sociology 46

Parsons' Functional Theory of Social Stratification • Parsons: status or honor is the most important dimension of social stratification. People are evaluated and ranked by others in terms of how well they live up to the dominant values in the society, whatever these values may be. This means that there will always be a hierarchy of status honor in every society. 47

wealth and power differences • "In spite of much opinion to the contrary, it (wealth and power) is not a primary criterion, seen in terms of the common value system. . its primary significance is a symbol of achievement. " 48

主流價值體系 • In order to specify the placement of people in the stratification system, Parsons had to rank which roles or tasks are the most respected (to the least respected) in the society, which involved getting more specific about the dominant value system. 49

AGIL • all societies must solve problems of (1) adaptation of the environment, (2) goal attainment, (3) integration, and (4) latent pattern maintenance (or, for short, AGIL). • The primary "concrete" institutions that usually perform these functional prerequisites for a society are, in order, (1) the economy, (2) the state, (3) the legal system or sometimes religion, and (4) the family, schools, and cultural institutions. 50

AGIL • (1) The differing tasks of these various institutions lead them to stress differing values (or pattern variables). • (2) Societies differ with respect to which of the four sets of institutions (adaptive, goal attainment, integration, or latent pattern maintenance) is primary. 51

Parsons • 1. A person's place in the status hierarchy (stratification system) is determined by the moral evaluation of others. • 2. This moral evaluation is made in terms of a common value system. • 3. The common value system is shaped by the institution that is given primary stress in the society (the institutional stress coming from the particular historical and environmental circumstances of the society). • 4. Thus, people who best live up to these values or ideas will receive, in addition to high status, other rewards, such as a high income and wealth. 52

例子：美國 • United States. This means that the value system in this country is weighted toward performance in the occupational structure (Parsons 1951: 399), and that people who meet the performance and achievement ideals in the economic occupational structure will be rewarded with greater status, advancement in the occupational structure, and the secondary rewards of wealth and high income. 53

例子：共產主義下的中國 • China stresses goal attainment, or political institutions, over economic institutions • The values in China, following the stress on goal attainment or the polity, are weighted toward leadership ability and commitment to political ideals. • The people who most typify these values would receive high status, advancement in the political bureaucracy, and secondary rewards such as wealth and high income. 54

Parsons對於DM理論的補充 • What Parsons has done, however, is specify more clearly what the most important positions will be, given a particular institutional stress in the society. 56

Critiques of Parsons • Why people are on top of the stratification system? • One of the most prominent criticisms of Parsons' work involves his assumption of a society with needs of its own. From this perspective, people in top institutional positions are doing what they do for the interests and needs of the total society; the interests of individuals and groups within the society are secondary. 57

Critiques of Parsons • Parsons believed that people primarily seek status, therefore striving to live up to dominant values. By striving to live up to the dominant values ( shaped by the needs of society) people are serving the needs of society. • Parsons did not see people as striving primarily for power and material wealth for personal interests. • 就算個人不是為了追求自私利益，而是為了共同 價值而努力，Parsons也忽略了共同價值系統的塑 造可能反映少數有權勢、有財富人的影響。 58

Critiques of Parsons • Conflict theorists like Turnin (1953: 393) point out that "social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political power necessary to procure acceptance and dominance of an ideology which rationalizes the status quo, whatever this may be, as 'logical, ' 'natural, ' and 'morally right. ' " • An elite may legitimize its own high status through its influence over people's perspectives of what is to be valued. To the extent that this is the case, people may be given status and other rewards not because they meet the needs of the overall society but because they serve the interests of elites in the society. 59

Status, power, class Parsons認為權利與收入 伴隨地位而來。 61

地位在特殊情形下仍為重要的不平等基 礎 • 地位高低與每一位修道士「修行」「道行 」高低有關。 • 兩位學者的研究顯示Parsons的理論有很大 的侷限：Status inequalities are primary dimensions of stratification only when there is a small community that is highly integrated around a strong set of moral principles. 64

Studies of Occupational Prestige 中國的職業聲望調查是由中研 院院士林南及中國大陸的學者 謝文發表在AJS期刊。 台灣的職業聲望: 文崇一，張曉春 1979 蔡淑鈴，廖正宏，黃大洲 1985 蔡淑鈴與瞿海源兩位學者發表在 1991 “Constructing Occupational Scales for Taiwan” Research in Social Stratification and Social Mobility 66

Studies of Occupational Prestige Treiman (1977) 對於六十個國家的職業聲望進行比 較，發現各國的職業聲望十分一致。 由於職業聲望各國差異不大，因此Ganzeboom & Treiman 兩位學者建構了 1988 International Standard of Classification of Occupations (ISCO) 的職業聲望表。 67

Socioeconomic Status Scales • 早期的社會經濟地位指標(socioeconomic status scales)由芝加哥大學根據住宅區域來 劃分residential approach 。一個人的階級地 位用居住區域來代表顯然有很多問題。 • North & Hatt, 1947對90個職業進行調查 • Duncan’s socioeconomic Index (see Reiss et al. 1961): 教育與薪資，425個職業。 • Hollingshead's Two Factor Index of Social Position 68

Critique of Occupation as a Status Hierarchy • 既使職業是依照聲望來排序，人們對於職業的重 要性的看法也可能是受到權力不平等的影響： • (1) the ability of those high in the stratification system to obtain higher income because of their power, and reward with higher income those�occupations serving elite interests (income is�related to prestige judgments, remember); • (2) the ability of elites to influence what we think about different occupations through their influence over the dominant values in the society 71

Critique of Occupation as a Status Hierarchy • The status dimension can be very important in small communities. But with the occupational structure, occupational skill level, income, and power in the marketplace (as Weber described) are most important in affecting life chances. 72

CONFLICT THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION 73

CONFLICT THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION • Critical-conflict: 相信不平等是可以減少的，If inequality is to be reduced, it must be based on changing property or class relations, rather than on a more general conflict of interests "always found" among human beings. • Uncritical-conflict: 認為某種形式的利益衝突永遠 存在，these differing group interests will be reflected in organized power structures (or bureaucratic or political organizations) that are generalized means of furthering group interests of any type. 74

CONFLICT THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION • Uncritical-order or functional theorists maintain that inequality will always be present, but they tend to stress the needs of complex human organizations as the reason for this inequality. Thus, it is the status structure that helps provide social order and results in unequal status ranking in relation to the functional division of labor (or occupational structure necessary in complex societies) that explains social stratification and inequality. 75

How are these incorrect predictions dealt with? • 為何社會主義革命沒有發生？為何資本主 義社會的危機沒有產生？ • (1) the growth and strength of the state • (2) unforeseen influences on the working class. 79

function of the state in capitalist societies • a strong state has developed in capitalist societies with some autonomy from upperclass interests (Weber) • This strong state so far has been able to manage the collective interests of the bourgeoisie (upper class) to prevent crisis, and has managed crisis periods to prevent revolutionary changes. 80

function of the state in capitalist societies • This is done through (1) economic planning and control of conditions (such as a failing profit rate, inflation, reduced demand for goods produced) that could produce crisis, • (2) welfare spending to control and appease the poor and unemployed during hard times • (3) the management of conflicts within the bourgeoisie that could result in economic crisis (such as government regulation preventing competition from getting out of hand destroying some corporations). 81

institutionalization of class conflict • Marxians cite other factors as reducing revolutionary class consciousness among the working class: • (1) labor unions are seen as making some material gains for the workers, but at the expense of controlling the working class for long-term capitalist interests. In what is called institutionalization of class conflict, elites in big labor unions are seen as working for capitalist interests by controlling strikes and preventing workers from considering more threatening issues such as worker influence over corporate decision making. 82

co-opting labor thru consumption • (2) the high standard of living achieved by the working class in advanced capitalist nations is seen as co-opting labor. A consumption orientation among workers, promoted by the higher standard of living and mass advertising, was never foreseen by Marx. An outcome has been a willingness on the part of workers to support the basic capitalist system and tolerate alienating working conditions as long as they can share in the material fruits of capitalism (such as cars, boats, campers, and motorcycles). 83

the strength of the legitimation process • (3) every stratification system must convince those toward the bottom of this system that their low position is somehow justified. The effects of a mass media unimagined in Marx's day, among other factors such as education (to be described in our later chapter on this process), are cited by Marxian theorists as helping to produce acceptance of the capitalist system by the general population (Kellner 1990). 84

The expansion of the white-collar class • The expansion of the white-collar class of technical, sales, clerical, service, and bureaucratic workers is also acknowledged by many as unforeseen by Marx. • 有些學者認為這些新興的中產階級其實本質上仍 為 人階級。 • More recently, the prediction that the growing� middle-class jobs have been "deskilled, " making them like working-class jobs (Wright et al. 1982), has been refuted empirically. 85

The expansion of the white-collar class • Wright and Martin (1987) argue that this goes against Marxian predictions but can still be explained in a Marxian framework. What Marx failed to see was that capitalism has become more international, with working-class labor growing and conditions for the working class becoming worse as these types of jobs are exported by the rich capitalist nations to poor countries. 86

The expansion of the white-collar class • 新興的中產階級產生的另一個問題：政治保守的中產階級 造成非資本階級的分裂： • (1) white-collar workers generally have higher status (if not more pay), leading to status divisions; • (2) white-collar workers (because of more interaction with capitalists and their managers) tend to identify more with capitalist interests; • (3) the expansion of the occupational structure (more ranks from top to bottom) has promoted more social mobility. In addition to creating more divisions in the working class, the expansion of the occupational structure and the hope of social mobility have reduced class consciousness because of the possibility of escape from "alienating" and low-status bluecollar work. 87

共產主義國家的問題 • A new class of party bureaucrats took power in the name of the working class, but rather than working for the working class, this new class was "exploitative in the exact sense that Marx gave the term-the workers and peasants were forced to surrender a surplus to the bureaucracy“. • the problem with Marxian theory in this respect is that Marx failed to understand the state as a generalized power structure, a power structure that can serve the particular interests of capitalists as well as the narrow interests of some other type of elite. 88

Recent Empirical Work and Wright's Class Categories • Capitalists擁有生產 具（ 廠、銀行）、 雇用（購買）其他人的勞動力、 • Managers 僅為資本家控制其他人的勞動力 並出售自己的勞動力給資本家。 • Workers僅能將其勞動力賣給資本家 • the petty bourgeoisie 擁有少許的生產 具， 但雇用少數的人力 • What does this Marxian concept of class help us understand? 90

Recent Empirical Work and Wright's Class Categories • Robinson and Kelley (1979) • found separate mobility patterns in terms of class position and occupational status. • 資產階級家庭的子女比較容易「繼承」資 產階級地位，而有高教育與高職業地位父 母的子女，比較容易取的較高的職業地位。 93

Power Conflict Theories • Uncritical conflict 觀點： • “wherever there is life, there is conflict. " • ”…human beings are sociable but conflictprone animals. “ • 認為我們必須要認知到不平等無所不在， 要學習如何面對它，而不是杜絕。 95

Power Conflict Theories • 一群人可以為了共同的利益而組織起來。因此瞭 解社會階層化的系統比需先瞭解有組織的階級及 團體利益，而不是個人的利益衝突。 • it must be recognized that collectives of individuals can have common interests and work together to meet these common interests. Thus, to understand a system of social stratification, we must understand organized class or group interests, rather than random individual conflicts. 96

Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory • 他不認為革命可以消彌所有的階級衝突。 而認為階級衝突是所有有組織的社會所不 可避免的。 • Dahrendorf 不同意馬克斯認為階級衝突主要 是奠基於經濟利益的看法。he accepts the managerial control thesis that control is divorced from ownership. 98

Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory • 在所有的imperatively coordinated associations中，必有支配(domination) 與服 從者(subordination)的權威角色authority roles 存在。 • 這種權威的分佈差異(differential distribution of authority) 必然形成系統性的社會衝突， 為馬克斯所謂的階級衝突的導因。 100

Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory • Dahrendorf recognizes all kinds of individual or group interests…the main point is that the means to attaining these interests are related to authority positions within imperatively coordinated associations. In other words, the haves get what they want because they are on top in the association, while the have-nots find it in their interests to challenge the status quo that assigns them low positions and low rewards (Dahrendorf 1959: 176). 101

Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory 102

Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory • Individuals have a position in many of these associations. • Each of these positions represents a different set of interests in relation to the authority or lack of authority maintained. These interests are only latent interests held in common (such as manager versus worker interests) until they become recognized and acted upon by the opposed interest groups (manifest interests). 103

Bourdieu's conflict theory • Bourdieu認為個人的經濟階級地位影響他們 的世界觀及文化。( economic class positions that individuals hold shape their world views and also what is usually called culture). • Bourdieu企圖理解「階級次文化」(class subcultures)如何被塑造及不同階級位置的人 如何具有不同的品味、生活形態、及價值 偏好(1984, 1996). 105

Bourdieu's conflict theory • Bourdieu研究佔據較高階級地位的成員以他 們的「高級文化」來評估其他人，如何影 響社會流動how social mobility might be restricted or enhanced by how people in higher -class positions evaluate others in terms of their knowledge of "higher culture. " 107

Summary and Critiques of Power Conflict Theories • Power conflict theories的共同假設 • (1) theories of social stratification must be grounded in differing individual and group interests • (2) which are varied, and • (3) form the basis of class conflict • Most important is how groups come together within organized social structures (what Dahrendorf calls imperatively coordinated associations) that form systems of social stratification. 108

Critiques of Power Conflict Theories • Critiques of Dahrendorf's theory • cross-national and cross-historical comparisons, – some imperatively coordinated associations (economic , political, religious associations) are at times more important within a nation than others (Giddens 1973: 73). • how do we decide who is in which of the two classes? where do we draw the line between the two classes? – board of directors superordinate class, – Worker subordinate class – engineers, lesser managers, line supervisors? 109

empirical studies --Robinson and Kelley's (1979) • Robinson and Kelley's (1979) study measure three different types of class: • (1) capitalist class (in a Marxian sense) was defined and measured as those who own or control the means of production, • (2) Dahrendoff's class categories were measured in terms of degrees of authority • (3) Occupational status and skill level 110

empirical studies --Robinson and Kelley's (1979) • (1) that all three class/occupational measures did about equally well in explaining income differences • (2) that all three class/occupational measures helped explain differing class identification in the sample (for example, whether people saw themselves in the upper class, middle class, or working class); and • (3) that all three class/occupational measures were related to differing political party voting, except for class position in the United States. 111

empirical studies --Robinson and Kelley's (1979) • their findings show that there are distinct lines of class and occupational attainment • Father high class position son high class position • Father high occupational position son high class position • The two processes are not strongly related: having a father with a high occupational status position will not be of much help for the son in attaining a high class position and vice versa. 112

empirical studies--Kalleberg and Griffin (1980) • examined bureaucratic authority divisions in both capitalist sector organizations (corporations) and noncapitalist organizations (such as government agencies and educational and civic organization) 113

empirical studies--Kalleberg and Griffin (1980) • Kalleberg and Griffin (1980: 737) asked two questions of respondents in their sample: (1) Are they selfemployed? (2) Do they supervise anyone as part of their job? • Individuals who responded 'yes' to both were defined as employers. • Individuals who responded 'no' to both were defined as workers. • Managers were those who responded 'no' to the first and 'yes' to the second. " 114

empirical studies--Kalleberg and Griffin (1980) • the income difference in relation to authority divisions were significant in both capitalist and noncapitalist sectors. • the higher the position in the authority structure, the greater the job fulfillment claimed. 115

構成階級地位的基礎 • Who get what , and why? • 本書認為我們可以界定objective class divisions ，主觀的階級認同十分重要，但不 一定會有影響。 • 三個影響階級的客觀因素： • Occupational structure • Bureaucratic authority structure • Capitalist property structure 119

構成階級地位的基礎 • Bureaucratic authority divisions – Top position (president, chairman of the board, CEO, vice president) – Staff position – Supervisory positions (plant foremen, department chairperson) – Workers 121

構成階級地位的基礎 • Divisions within the property structure – Capitalists – Mangers – Workers – Petty bourgeoisie 122

A working definition of class 123

Subjective Class Identification • Centers 認為「階級」對於大多數人而言是 一個有意義的觀念，且主觀認同的階級與 客觀的階級十分的吻合。 • 但Gross (1953) 發現如果問卷不提供選項， 39 percent說他們不屬於任何階級或不知道 自己的階級，31 percent "middle class, " 11 percent "working class. " 1 percent upper class, 3 percent lower class, and 15 percent some other class 127

Subjective Class Identification • Kahl and Davis (1955) • how many classes there are in the United States？ – – – two classes (10 percent), three classes (42 percent), four classes (20 percent), five or more classes (5 percent), no concept of a class order (12 percent), class does not exist (6 percent). • 僅有18%不認為或不知道有階級，顯示確切的階 級數目雖然沒有共識，但大多數的人都意識到階 級的存在。 128

Subjective Class Identification • 最近的研究議題： • 女性的階級認同（過去附屬於男性戶長之 下） • Do we find that class identity of women is primarily shaped by the objective class position of their husbands? Or, when they themselves are employed, do we find that women define their class position in terms of their own job, income, and education? 130

Self-identification of Class, 1997 136

Self-identification of Class, 2001 137

2001 1997 138

A Note on Sociobiology • Wilson (1975) • Main argument: by relating our studies of society and human behavior to certain biological tendencies within human beings, we can increase our understanding of some aspects of this behavior. • Counterargument: although biology can help us understand the behavior of other animals, human behavior is much more complex and almost completely shaped by learning, culture, the social environment, and other nonbiological factors. 144

A Note on Sociobiology • (1) survival of a gene pool requires altruistic behavior toward kin • (2) it is argued that more general cooperation (in hunting) was also required for survival. 147

A Note on Sociobiology • What do these selfish and cooperative tendencies in human behavior help us understand about social stratification? • Under conditions of adequate resources but no surplus, we found, there was evidence of more cooperative and sharing behavior. And under conditions of surplus goods, people tend to be more selfish, while cooperating with a few to control the surplus. 148

A Note on Sociobiology • We must recognize a selfish tendency among people, and a tendency to cooperate to exploit others under certain conditions. The task for theories of social stratification is to recognize these tendencies and specify how and when this selfish behavior will be maximized or minimized. • Perhaps most importantly, stratification theories must specify how the social structure in a particular society determines which interests (attaining ownership of factories, political power, positions in imperatively coordinated associations, or others) are most important. 149