Coordination and subordination and the relationship between grammar

Coordination and subordination, and the relationship between grammar and discourse Mark Donohue Australian National University mark. donohue@anu. edu. au International Workshop on Clause Combining in and around Indonesia TUFS, 7 -8 October 2012

Overview Coordination Foregrounding Subordination Backgrounding • This is not as clear-cut as is often described. Coordination Foregrounding Subordination Backgrounding

Overview TOPIC • morphology: MAIN • morphology: SUBORD

Overview • Coordination: independent clauses • Subordination: dependent clauses

Simple cases • Subordinate-as-foreground: • Entering the room, they sat down. (non-overlapping times) • [ Dia] [ Ø [ yang datang ] ] 3 SG REL arrive ‘S/he came. ’ ~‘The (one) who came is her. ’

Simple cases • Coordinate-as-background: • I’ll try and finish on time. (one action) Tetun • Nia ti’a balu te’in hodi haa, 3 SG already some cook and eat balu hodi baa fa’en hola loit. some and go sell fetch money ‘After that some is cooked to eat, some is to sell to fetch money. ’

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Preliminaries • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation.

• Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; & neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation COMP

• Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; & neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause COMP for some part of its interpretation

Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.

Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.

Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.

Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come. .

Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come. . Coordination Subordination

Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come. . Foreground Background

Preliminaries • There was once a man. • He spent his time growing food, and carving wood into tools. • Then, one day, a tall woman walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him. . Foreground Background

Preliminaries • ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • ___ to eat, ___to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • ___dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, ___. • ___why she had come. . Foreground Background

Preliminaries • There was once a man … • ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest. Foreground Background

Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • There was once a man and lived alone in a hut *! in the forest. • Have to use the appropriate clause-combining morphology here; relative clauses have ‘stronger’ boundaries than XCOMPs.

Preliminaries • Coordinate morphology exists, and is used with non-dependent clauses. – Coordination = foregrounded discourse • Subordinate morphology exists, and is used with dependent clauses. – Subordination = backgrounded discourse

1+2=3

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Coordination • Overt conjunctions: – and, or but, and then, … • I came home, then fed the cat and watched some TV. • ‘Covert conjunctions’ –Ø • I came home, ___ fed the cat; ___watched some TV.

Subordination • Overt subordinators: – Relative clauses: who, which, (etc. ); Xadjuncts: when, after, while, before (etc. ); Xcomps (purpose, clausal complements): that, (in order) to • [ While whistling ], I took [the letter [that you wrote]] [ to post ].

Subordination • Covert subordinators: –Ø • [Ø Whistling ], I took [the letter [Ø you wrote]] [ to post ].

Simple cases • Indonesian: • Dia masuk ke 3 SG enter ALL rumah, terus house and. then __ duduk. sit ‘He entered the house and then ___ sat down. ’ • (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk) • dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu, …

Simple cases • Indonesian: • Dia masuk ke 3 SG enter ALL rumah, terus house and. then __ duduk. sit ‘He entered the house and then ___ sat down. ’ • (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk) • dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu, terus …

Simple cases • Indonesian: • Sesudah dia after 3 SG masuk enter ke rumah, dia ALL house 3 SG ‘After he entered the house, he sat down. ’ • Sesudah masuk ke rumah, dia after enter ALL house 3 SG ‘After entering the house, he sat down. ’ masuk ke rumah, *! • Sesudah dia after 3 SG enter ALL house ‘After entering the house, he sat down. ’ sit duduk.

Simple cases • Indonesian: • Sesudah dia after 3 SG masuk enter ke rumah, dia ALL house 3 SG duduk. sit ‘After he entered the house, he sat down. ’ • Sesudah masuk ke rumah, dia duduk. after enter ‘After entering the house, he sat down. ’ sesudah sit

Simple cases • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; terus neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation sesudah

Simple cases • Indonesian: • perempuan tinggi yang pakai gaun panjang woman tall REL wear dress long ‘a tall woman wearing a long dress. ’ • (most restricted kind of clause combining in Indonesian? )

Simple cases • Different only in involving NP-internal relations; • Clearly subordinate. • Perempuan yang pakai gaun datang. • Subordination NP yang

Simple cases • Repeat in almost as many languages as you’d like… …while staying mindful of the fact that some languages just don’t have much morphology

Simple cases • Where coordinate morphology exists, a major function is to advance the narrative. – Coordination = foregrounded discourse • Where subordinate morphology exists, a major function is to elaborate on aspects of the main narrative. – Subordination = backgrounded discourse

2 3 + 2 4 = 2 5

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Consider… • Unsurprising use of complementiser: • Kalau dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. if 3 SG not come 1 SG not accompany ‘If s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ].

Consider… • Unsurprising use of complementiser: • Ø dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. 3 SG not come 1 SG not accompany ‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP ____dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ].

Consider… • Aside: compare: • Ø dia tidak datang, 3 SG not come saya tidak ikut. 1 SG not accompany ‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going. ’ • with: • Dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. 3 SG not come 1 SG not accompany ‘S/he didn’t come, (and) I’m not going. ’

Consider… • Surprising (? ) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut. if 3 SG 1 SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia], saya tidak ikut ].

Consider… • Surprising (? ) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia (berhadir), saya tidak ikut. if 3 SG be. present 1 SG not accompany ‘If s/he is there, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia berhadir], saya tidak ikut ].

Consider… • Aside: • Question: • Siapa yang datang? who REL come ‘Who came? ’ • Answer: • Saya. 1 SG ‘(It was) me. ’ * ada saya be 1 SG * saya ada 1 SG be

Consider… • Surprising (? ) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut. if 3 SG 1 SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia PRED], saya tidak ikut ].

Function ≠ Structure • Structurally: • [S [SCOMP Pro PREDØ ], Pro NEG PRED ]. – Subordinate: an adjunct SCOMP • Functionally: • [TOP CASETOP Pro [S Pro NEG PRED ], ]. – Superordinate: a topic function

Levels… • Coordination: & • Subordination: COMP • Topic: TOP IP

Levels… • My friend, while talking, ate a sandwich and then brushed his teeth as he hummed. TOPIC IP COMP & IP COMP

Consider… • Surprising use of complementiser (? ): • Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut. if rain 1 SG not accompany ‘If it rains, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ].

Consider… • Surprising use of complementiser (? ): • Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut. if rain 1 SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) rain, I’m not going. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ].

Consider… • A complementiser (? ): • Kalau nasi, saya lebih suka. (if) rice 1 SG more like ‘I prefer rice. ’ • [S [COMP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ]. • [S [TOP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ]. ? ?

Consider… • A relativiser: • Saya makan nasi yang di-masak ibu. 1 SG eat rice REL ACT-cook mother ‘I’m eating the rice that mother cooked. ’ • [S saya makan [NP nasi [RC yang dimasak ibu ]]].

Consider… • A relativiser: • Saya makan 1 SG eat yang di-masak ibu. REL ACT-cook ‘I’m eating what mother cooked’ • [S saya makan [NP Ø mother [RC yang dimasak ibu ]]].

Consider… • A relativiser, but… • Apa yang di-masak ibu? What REL ACT-cook ‘What did mother cook? ’ mother • [S [NP apa ] [NP Ø [RC yang dimasak ibu ] ] ]. • [S [NP ] = [NP ] ]. • ~ “What mother cooked is what? ” ~

• Both kalau and yang have clear subordinating uses; • Both kalau and yang function in main clauses in ways that have foregrounding, main clause uses, while retaining subordinate clause structures.

Palu’e

Palu’e • Complementising clitic, -jo: • Koko-jo ia phana, aku-pli phana. if-COMP 3 SG go 1 SG-also goes ‘If she’s going, I’ll go too. ’ • Aku cu’u-jo 1 SG know-COMP ia ka’a phana. 3 SG NEG go ‘I know that she’s not going. ’

Palu’e • Complementising clitic, -jo: • Aku cu’u-jo ia ka’a phana. 1 SG know-COMP 3 SG NEG go ‘I know that she’s not going. ’ • [S Aku cu’u [COMP -jo [S ia ka’a phana] ] ].

Palu’e • Aku nra ia. 1 SG feel 3 SG ‘I love her/him. ’ • Aku nra [COMP -jo [S 1 SG feel -COMP ia ka’a phana ] ]. 3 SG NEG go ‘I remember that she’s not going. ’

Palu’e • Aku nra ia. 1 SG feel 3 SG ‘I love her/him. ’ • Aku nra [COMP -jo [S 1 SG feel -COMP ia ka’a phana ] ]. 3 SG NEG go ‘I think/feel (that) she’s not going. ’ * ‘I remember that she’s not going. ’ ?

Palu’e • Aku phela 1 SG see ia. 3 SG ‘I see her/him. ’ • Aku phela [COMP -jo [S 1 SG see -COMP ia 3 SG NEG go ‘I saw (that) she didn’t go. ’ ? ka’a phana ] ].

Palu’e • Overt complementiser to subordinate; but optional. • Complementiser grammaticalised to show lexical meaning differences: – love/think/remember: nra ____ vs. nra-jo ____ • If a morpheme is subcategorised for by a verb, can it still be subordinate?

Foregrounding subordination • Morphology and syntax that are used for subordination • can also be used in discourse functions that are more typical of non-subordinate clause combinations • These new discourse functions do not affect the subordinate nature of the morphosyntax.

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Coordination to background • Less common? (not discussed in, eg. , Mithun 2008) • Run and find out! • Go and find out! • Try and find out! Coordinate? Purposive? • Go and have a good time! • We’re going into town and have a good time!

Coordination to background • Go and have a good time! • We’re going into town and have a good time! • We went into town and had a good time. to have a good time • We’ll go into town and • Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet – (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the house’ – 1983)

Coordination to background • Indonesia irrealis clauses: • Saya rasa haus, mau minum air. 1 SG feel thirsty want drink water ‘I’m thirsty, (& I) want to drink water. ’ • Saya jalan ke 1 SG go ALL pasar mau beli beras. market want buy ‘I’m going to the market to buy rice. ’ rice

Tetun

Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal conjunction with hodi: hodi • Feto Ikun ksotir di’ak n-odi woman tail Ami ksotir 1 PL matenek. and fortune good 3 SG-and clever lalek hodi beik fortune lack and stupid ‘Youngest sister was fortunate and clever. We are unfortunate and stupid. ’

Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal conjunction with hodi: • Ha’u k-mama ai-kakaluk k-odi 1 SG-chew taka nia-kan cover 3 SG-POSS wood-power ain leg tohar 1 SG-and ne’e. broken this ‘I chew medicine, and cover his broken leg (with it). ’ ‘I chew medicine, and use it to cover his broken leg. ’

Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal subordination with hodi: • Ita soru hodi dakar sira 1 PL weave ‘and’ look. after 3 PL ‘We weave while looking after them. ’ • Nia 3 SG naha karian n-odi work ba baggage go 3 SG-‘and’ uma house n-a-to’o 3 SG-CAUS-enough laran. inside ‘He works to supply things for in the house. ’

One

(Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-aplere 3 PL-run n-i 3 PL-go ‘They ran to the house. ’ • No 3 PL n-u au moru. house moren. 3 PL-eat sago house: LOC ‘They ate sago in the house. ’

(Topicalising to coordination) • One: • Moru sa(, ) no house TOP 3 PL n-aplere 3 PL-run ‘The house, they ran to (it). ’ • Au sago sa(, ) no TOP 3 PL n-u 3 PL-eat __ n-i 3 PL-go __. moren. house: LOC ‘Sago, they ate (it) in the house. ’

(Topicalising to coordination) • One: • Moren house: LOC sa(, ) no TOP 3 PL n-u au. 3 PL-eat sago ‘In the house, they ate sago. ’ • *Moren sa(, ) au sa no house: LOC TOP sago TOP 3 PL ‘In the house, they ate sago. ’ n-u au. 3 PL-eat sago

(Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-i moru sa, 3 PL-go house ‘TOP’ no n-u au. 3 PL-eat sago ‘They went to the house, and ate sago. ’

(Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-i moru. 3 PL-go house Sa, no n-u au. ‘TOP’ 3 PL-eat sago ‘They went to the house, and ate sago. ’

Coordination to background • Not as common as ‘subordination function raising’, but still attested. • Often structurally ambiguous.

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Consider… • Purposive complement clause: • Saya pergi untuk makan nasi. 1 SG go COMP eat ‘I’m going to eat rice. ’ rice • [S Saya pergi [COMP untuk makan nasi] ].

Consider… • Purposive complement clause: • Saya pergi makan nasi. 1 SG go eat rice ‘I’m going to eat rice. ’ • [S Saya pergi [COMP Ø makan nasi] ].

Complex cases • Quoted speech: • Saya tahu bahwa dia 1 SG know that sudah masuk. 3 SG already enter ‘I know that s/he’s already entered. ’ • Saya tahu dia sudah masuk.

Complex cases • Perception complements (+): • Saya lihat orang yang lari. 1 SG see person REL run ‘I saw the person who had run. ’ • • Saya lihat [NP Pro ] orang lari. [VP V [NP N [RC REL V ] ] ] [VP V [NP N ] [XCOMP __ V ] ] [VP V [SCOMP [NP N ] [VP V ] ] ]

Consider… • Overhead in Hasanuddin airport, Makassar: • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in ‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft) (and he’s) still checking in!’ • ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s) still checking in!’

Consider… • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in • ‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft) (and he’s) still checking in!’ • [S [S Sudah boarding ], (&) [S masih check-in ] ]!

Consider… • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in • ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s) still checking in!’ • [S [COMP Ø Sudah boarding ], masih check-in ]!

• • While opening the door, I spoke to Melissa. While entering the room, I spotted Melissa. Entering the room, I spotted Melissa. • Entering the room, I ordered a coffee and waited.

Tukang Besi

Tukang Besi • Ku-’ita-’e na mia. 1 SG-see-3 NOM person ‘I saw the person. ’ • No-tinti na mia. 3 R-run. SI NOM person ‘The person ran earlier. ’

Tukang Besi • Ku-’ita-’e na mia [ t<um>inti i aba ]. 1 SG-see-3 NOM person run. SI OBL earlier ‘I saw the person who had run earlier. ’ • Ku-’ita-’e no-tinti na mia. 1 SG-see-3 3 R-run. SI NOM person ‘I saw the person who had run earlier. ’ ~ ‘I saw a person running. ’

Skou

Skou • Simple clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a 3 SG. F=woman=the pe=ti 3 SG. F=go pá. house ‘The woman went to the house. ’ • Pe=ueme=ing_a 3 SG. F=woman=the hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3 SG. F=3 SG. F-eat ‘The woman ate sago. ’

Skou • Relative clauses: • pe=ueme pe=ti 3 SG. F=woman 3 SG. F=go pá=ing_a house=the ‘the woman who went to the house’ • pe=ueme hóe pe=p-ang=ing_a 3 SG. F=woman sago 3 SG. F=3 SG. F-eat=the ‘the woman who ate sago’

Skou • Coordinate clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a pe=ti 3 SG. F=woman=the hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3 SG. F=3 SG. F-eat =pa =and =ko house =and pá =te =and ‘The woman went to the house and ate sago. ’

Skou • Coordinate clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a pe=ti 3 SG. F=woman=the hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3 SG. F=go pá house 3 SG. F=3 SG. F-eat ‘The woman went to the house to eat sago. ’

Ø-marked clause boundaries • Summary slide

Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications

Conclusions • Structure = Function – Easiest to analyse; – There have to be some of these. • Structure ≠ Function – Caught between grammaticalisation? – Long-term stable? • Structure is indeterminate? – Especially when there’s no overt morphology.

The End Thank you

Important point: • Morphology dedicated to indicating clauses in combination are prone to refunctionalisation. • The subordinate clauses are still subordinate, grammatically. This is not grammaticalisation of subordinate clause morphology into dependent clause uses.

• I will try to do well in my exams. • I will try and do well in my exams. • Saya coba makan baik-baik.

• I’m going down the shops to go and get some chocolate. • * I’m going down the shops and go and get some chocolate. • I’m going to try to finish the essay. • I’m going to try and finish the essay. • Run fast and win! • Run fast to win!

• I’ll try to fix it. • I’ll try and fix it. • I’ll go to buy it at the shops. • I’ll go and buy it at the shops. • I’ll go to the shops to buy it. • I’ll go to the shops and buy it.

Overview • Coordination and subordination are often described as serving foregrounding and backgrounding functions; • This is not as clear-cut as it’s often described. • Subordinated clauses can often serve a foregrounded function; can coordinated clauses also serve a backgrounding function? • When ellipsis applies to coordinators and subordinators, what else can we expect?

Simple cases • Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet – (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the house’ – 1983) • We’re going into town and have a good time. • We went into town and had a good time. • We’ll go into town and have a good time. • We go into town and have a good time.

Tukang Besi Skou Tukang Besi Palu’e

• Palu’e • Kami phote nio, 1 PL. EX pick coconut thuka, __ khla __, __ kha __ __ psa __, ascend split eat chew. flesh __ nala vae-ne __ ninu __, take water-3 GEN drink __ psa i-ne, … chew. flesh-3 GEN ‘We picked some coconuts, climbed (up for them), split them, ate and chewed, took some water to drink, chewed the (coconut) flesh. ’