Constraints on Morphological Borrowing Evidence from Latin America

Constraints on Morphological Borrowing: Evidence from Latin America Ewald Hekking – Querétaro Dik Bakker – Lancaster Borrowing Morphology II 1

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? 2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization? 3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology? 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing? 8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability of structural features in morpho-syntax? 9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for genealogical relationship? 10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared morphology alone? 11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological evidence in matters of genealogical relationship? 12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish between cognates and copies in bound morphology? Borrowing Morphology II 2

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? 2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization? 3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology? 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing? 8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability of structural features in morpho-syntax? 9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for genealogical relationship? 10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared morphology alone? 11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological evidence in matters of genealogical relationship? 12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish between cognates and copies in bound morphology? Borrowing Morphology II 3

Overview Clause Combining in Otomi 4

Overview 1. The Languages Clause Combining in Otomi 5

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data Clause Combining in Otomi 6

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general Clause Combining in Otomi 7

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology Clause Combining in Otomi 8

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology Clause Combining in Otomi 9

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology 6. Borrowing And morphology Clause Combining in Otomi 10

Overview 1. The Languages 2. The Data 3. Borrowing from Spanish: general 4. Borrowing Of morphology 5. Borrowing With morphology 6. Borrowing And morphology 7. Conclusions Clause Combining in Otomi 11

1. The Languages Borrowing Morphology II 12

Spanish Otomi Quichua Guarani Borrowing Morphology II 13

Languages 1. Quechua Andean (Ecuador; Peru) 45 varieties, 8. 5 million speakers Agglutinating Virtually no prefixes (SOV!) Very many suffixes (Person, TAM, Case) Borrowing Morphology II 14

Languages 2. Guaraní Tupi (Paraguay) Several dialects, 4. 700. 000 speakers Fusional Very many prefixes (Person) Many suffixes (TAM, Case/Postpos) Borrowing Morphology II 15

Languages 3. Otomí Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico) 9 dialects, 250. 000 speakers Fusional Prefixes on V and N Many suffixes on V and N Very few A Borrowing Morphology II 16

2. The Data Borrowing Morphology II 17

Data recorded (spoken) Respondents: Dialects: Tokens: Borrowing Morphology II 18

Data recorded Quechua Respondents: 38 Dialects: 2 Tokens: 79, 718 Borrowing Morphology II 19

Data recorded Quechua Respondents: Guaraní 38 38 Dialects: 2 2 Tokens: 79, 718 57, 828 Borrowing Morphology II 20

Data recorded Quechua Respondents: Guaraní 38 Otomí 38 59 Dialects: 2 2 2 Tokens: 79, 718 57, 828 110, 540 Borrowing Morphology II 21

Data recorded Quechua Respondents: Guaraní 38 Otomí 38 59 Dialects: 2 2 2 Tokens: 79, 718 57, 828 110, 540 Borrowing Morphology II 22

3. Borrowing from Spanish Borrowing Morphology II 23

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Mimimum Quechua (n=38) 4. 0% Guaraní (n=38) 5. 7% Otomí (n=59) 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Borrowing Morphology II 24

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua Guaraní Otomí Mimimum 4. 0% 5. 7% 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Borrowing Morphology II 25

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua Guaraní Otomí Mimimum 4. 0% 5. 7% 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Borrowing Morphology II 26

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua Guaraní Otomí Mimimum 4. 0% 5. 7% 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Borrowing Morphology II 27

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua > Guaraní> Otomí Mimimum 4. 0% 5. 7% 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Borrowing Morphology II 28

Borrowing: overall (tokens) Quechua > Guaraní>Otomí Mimimum 4. 0% 5. 7% 6. 7% Maximum 27. 0% 28. 5% 26. 0% Mean 18. 9% 17. 4% 14. 1% SD 8. 92 6. 42 3. 97 Significant at 0. 5% Same for 2 dialects Borrowing Morphology II 29

Borrowing: Grammatical Quechua Guaraní Otomí Preposition 0. 5% 21. 2% Article 0. 0% 19. 4% 0. 0% Discourse Marker 0. 6% 0. 8% 6. 5% Subordinator 1. 6% 4. 6% 6. 1% … … Borrowing Morphology II 30

4. Borrowing OF Morphology Borrowing Morphology II 31

Spanish affixes on native lexemes Spanish Prefix - Suffix Borrowing Morphology II 32

Spanish affixes on native lexemes Spanish Prefix Suffix Quechua - - - Borrowing Morphology II 33

Spanish affixes on native lexemes Spanish Prefix Suffix Quechua - - Guarani - - - Borrowing Morphology II 34

Spanish affixes on native lexemes Spanish Prefix Suffix Quechua - - Guarani - Borrowing Morphology II Otomi - - - 35

Spanish affixes on native lexemes Spanish Quechua Prefix Suffix - Guarani Otomi - - - - No systematic borrowing of Spanish morphology on native elements … Borrowing Morphology II 36

Exceptions confirm the rule … Otomi: ‘beto grandchild ‘beta granddaughter (Sp. –a [+F]) - Borrowing Morphology II 37

Exceptions confirm the rule … Otomi: ‘beto grandchild ‘beta granddaughter (Sp. –a [+F]) - (but often gender mistakes when speaking Spanish) Borrowing Morphology II 38

4. Borrowing WITH Morphology Borrowing Morphology II 39

N borrowed with morphology - Borrowing Morphology II 40

N borrowed with morphology Spanish -(e)s (PL) - Borrowing Morphology II 41

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua -s (PL) 160 (2. 5% of borrowed nouns), 7 also + –kuna - Borrowing Morphology II 42

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua -s (PL) 160 (2. 5%), 7 + –kuna - almost all occur also without –s: ‘compadre(s)’ ‘compañera(s)’. . . Borrowing Morphology II 43

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi -s (PL) 160 (2. 5%) 7 8 - Borrowing Morphology II 44

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi -s (PL) 160 (2. 5%) 7 8 - LEXICAL (cf. ‘habas’) Borrowing Morphology II 45

N borrowed with morphology Spanish -s (PL) -dor (AG)+ -ito/-illo (DIM)+++ - Borrowing Morphology II 46

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi -s (PL) 160 7 8 -dor (AG) 22 (types) - 10 (types) 1 (types) 3 (types) 1 (types) -ito/-illo (DIM) 6 (types) - Borrowing Morphology II 47

N borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi -s (PL) 160 7 8 -dor (AG) 22 (types) - 10 (types) 1 (types) 3 (types) 1 (types) -ito/-illo (DIM) 6 (types) - LEXICAL Borrowing Morphology II 48

V borrowed with morphology Spanish -ar -er -ir - Borrowing Morphology II 49

V borrowed with morphology Spanish -ar GENERAL: -er - Infinitive -ir - Borrowing Morphology II 50

V borrowed with morphology Spanish Que Gua Otomi -ar -a -a/ -á -a -er -e -e -/ -é -e -ir -i -i / -í -i fast majority (> 80%) - Borrowing Morphology II 51

V borrowed with morphology Spanish Que Gua Otomi -ar -a -a/ -á -a -er -e / -i -e -/ -é -e -ir -i / -e -i / -í -i - in Que only /i/ Borrowing Morphology II 52

V borrowed with morphology Spanish Que Gua Otomi -ar -a/ -á -a -er -ir -a -e / -i -e -/ -é -e -i / -í -i - Borrowing Morphology II Highly freq V: stem of 3 rd SG (diphtong / e-i) 53

A borrowed with morphology Spanish -o (M) -a (F) -os (M. PL) - -as (F. PL) Borrowing Morphology II 54

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua -o (M) 560 (260 typ) -a (F) 105 (60 - typ) - -os (M. PL) 6 (4 typ) -as (F. PL) Borrowing Morphology II 55

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua NO Gender -o (M) 560 (260 typ) -a (F) -os (M. PL) 105 (60 - typ) 67% Attributive, rest N Agr- SP [+F], QUE [+FEMALE] 6 (4 typ) -as (F. PL) Borrowing Morphology II 56

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani -o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220 typ) -a (F) 105 (60)- 90 (45 typ) - -os (M. PL) 6 (4) - -as (F. PL) - Borrowing Morphology II 57

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani NO Gender -o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220 typ) -a (F) 105 (60)- -os (M. PL) 6 (4) 90 (45 typ) 75% Attrib, rest N - SP [+F], GUA [+FEMALE] Agr - -as (F. PL) - Borrowing Morphology II 58

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani -o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220) 100 (20) -a (F) 105 (60)- 90 (45) Otomi NO A, NO Gender 6 (3) = Noun - -os (M. PL) 6 (4) - - -as (F. PL) - - - Borrowing Morphology II 59

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Stem + -a + -mente ADV (mode) ‘economico’ ‘economic-a-mente’ - Borrowing Morphology II 60

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua A ≈ Adv -amente 61 (29 typ: 16 also used as bare A) - Borrowing Morphology II 61

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani A ≈ Adv -amente 61 (29: 16) 582 (46 typ: 18 bare A) - Borrowing Morphology II 62

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua -amente 61 (29: 16) 582 (46 typ: 18 bare A) - Guarani A ≈ Adv No rule: A + afx Adv - Borrowing Morphology II 63

A borrowed with morphology Spanish Quechua Guarani -amente 61 (29: 16) 582 (46: 18) Otomi NO A 15 (6: 0) > LEX - Borrowing Morphology II 64

Spanish borrowed with morphology Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: - Borrowing Morphology II 65

Spanish borrowed with morphology Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que) - Borrowing Morphology II 66

Spanish borrowed with morphology Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N: A: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que) - ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua) - Borrowing Morphology II 67

Spanish borrowed with morphology Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que) - A: ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua) A: ‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE] - Borrowing Morphology II 68

Spanish borrowed with morphology Potential ‘Trojan Horses’: N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que) - A: ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua) A: ‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE] - IS THAT ALL THERE IS? ! Borrowing Morphology II 69

6. Borrowing AND Morphology Borrowing Morphology II 70

Borrowing and Morphology To what extent do borrowed lexemes interact - with native morphology? - Borrowing Morphology II 71

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans - Borrowing Morphology II 72

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans Noun Prefix 0. 7% - Suffix 66. 9% Borrowing Morphology II 73

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb 0. 7% 0. 0% - Suffix 66. 9% 99. 9% Borrowing Morphology II 74

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adjective 0. 7% 0. 0% - Suffix 66. 9% 99. 9% Borrowing Morphology II 37. 1% 75

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adj 0. 7% 0. 0% Almost exclusively suffixing language - Suffix 66. 9% 99. 9% 37. 1% Borrowing Morphology II 76

Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adj 0. 7% 0. 0% - Suffix 66. 9% 99. 9% 37. 1% Almost exclusively suffixing No apparent morphological constraints on borrowed V, N and A Borrowing Morphology II 77

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans - Borrowing Morphology II 78

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Noun Prefix 7. 3% - Suffix 28. 5% Borrowing Morphology II 79

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb 7. 3% 95. 4% - Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% Borrowing Morphology II 80

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adjective 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% - Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% Borrowing Morphology II 21. 2% 81

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adj 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% Most Person markers - Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% 21. 2% Borrowing Morphology II 82

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adj 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% - Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% 21. 2% Borrowing Morphology II Topic/Focus TAM markers Rel markers 83

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb Adj 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% Many person markers (N~A) - Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% 21. 2% Borrowing Morphology II 84

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Noun Verb Adj Prefix 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% 21. 2% Many postpositions PL marker (N~A) Borrowing Morphology II 85

Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans Noun Verb Adj Prefix 7. 3% 95. 4% 11. 3% Suffix 28. 5% 32. 0% 21. 2% Borrowing Morphology II No constraints detected but: often less fused than on native N/A 86

Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans - Borrowing Morphology II 87

Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans Noun Prefix 6. 0% - Suffix 7. 2% Borrowing Morphology II 88

Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb 6. 0% 1. 6% - Suffix 7. 2% 25. 0% Borrowing Morphology II 89

Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans Prefix Noun Verb 6. 0% 1. 6% Most affixes of native N & V - Suffix 7. 2% 34. 0% Borrowing Morphology II but several constraints on loan verbs: 90

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 1. Markers on verbs: - Borrowing Morphology II 91

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 1. Markers on verbs: A. Proclitics: Tense, Person - Borrowing Morphology II 92

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 1. Markers on verbs: A. Proclitics: Tense, Person On Otomi verbs: On loan verbs: - 24 ( > 90% of the verbs) 13 (64% of the verbs) - Borrowing Morphology II 93

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 1. Markers on verbs: B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH, . . . - Borrowing Morphology II 94

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 1. Markers on verbs: B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH, … On Otomi verbs: On loan verbs: - 27 ( > 80% verbs) 20 (34% of verbs) - Borrowing Morphology II 95

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past. 3 SG: - Borrowing Morphology II 96

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past. 3 SG: pa ‘sell’ tai ‘buy’ poni ‘leave’ ähä ‘sleep’ ma dai boni - ‘ñähä Borrowing Morphology II 97

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past. 3 SG: pa ‘sell’ tai ‘buy’ poni ‘leave’ ähä ‘sleep’ ma dai boni - ‘ñähä Never on Spanish loan verbs Borrowing Morphology II 98

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-: - Borrowing Morphology II 99

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-: honi pa ne jut’i ‘look for’ ‘sell’ ‘need’ ‘pay’ thoni ‘ba hne njut’i - Borrowing Morphology II 100

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans 3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-: honi pa ne jut’i ‘look for’ ‘sell’ ‘need’ ‘pay’ thoni ‘ba hne njut’I - 1 example: ‘h-mända’ Borrowing Morphology II 101

7. Conclusion Borrowing Morphology II 102

Spanish morphology on native stems - There is no evidence for any Spanish morphology employed productively on native stems in Quechua, Guarani or Otomi <in our sample>. - Borrowing Morphology II 103

Spanish morphology on loans: Noun - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it seems to be lexical. - Borrowing Morphology II 104

Spanish morphology on loans: Noun - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it seems to be lexical. - Spanish nouns may be borrowed with derivational suffixes (+Ag, +Dim), mainly in Quechua, and less so Guarani, but these arguably lexical. Borrowing Morphology II 105

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i). - Borrowing Morphology II 106

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i). - This is consistently so for Quechua and Guarani, but less so for Otomi (diphtong / e-i). - Borrowing Morphology II 107

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb - All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i). - This is consistently so for Quechua and Guarani, but less so for Otomi (diphtong). - - No verbal morphology seems to be in transfer. Borrowing Morphology II 108

Spanish morphology on loans: Adj - Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are nominalizations, more often they modify a Spanish [+F] noun, or a native noun representing a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and Guarani. Borrowing Morphology II 109

Spanish morphology on loans: Adj - Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are nominalizations, more often they modify a Spanish [+F] noun, or a native noun representing a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and Guarani. - Adverb derivation with –mente is rather regular in Quechua, and to some extent also in Guarani. Borrowing Morphology II 110

Native morphology on loans - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context. - Borrowing Morphology II 111

Native morphology on loans - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context. - - In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A less so. Borrowing Morphology II 112

Native morphology on loans - In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully morphologically integrated: they get all relevant suffixes in the context. - - In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A less so. - In Otomi, there are several morphophonological constraints on the full integration of borrowed lexemes. Borrowing Morphology II 113

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? VERY STRONG Borrowing Morphology II 114

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? PROBABLY Borrowing Morphology II 115

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? YES Borrowing Morphology II 116

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? YES 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? YES: N, A > V Borrowing Morphology II 117

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing? VERY STRONG 4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology? PROBABLY 5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology? YES 6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes to morphological borrowing? YES: N, A > V 7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to morphological borrowing? PROBABLY: DERIVATIONAL > INFLECTIONAL (-DOR) Borrowing Morphology II 118

? Borrowing Morphology II 119