CLITICS type of bound morpheme the basic difference

CLITICS • • • type of bound morpheme the basic difference between clitics and affixes a clitic is syntactically independent from its host while an affix is not affixes can only attach to the kinds of hosts that match their category Clitics, on the other hand, are not restricted to the kind of category they may attach to. The reason they get the host that they get is because of position: they attach to the word immediately in front or after them. • For example; will The dog will bark The dog’ll bark

Italian (Indo-European (Romance): Italy) (19) è venuto per parlarmi è venuto per parl-ar=mi 58 3 sg. is come. pfct to talk-inf=1 sg. O ‘He has come to talk to me. ’ (source: personal knowledge)

PROCLITIC • attaches at the beginning of the host. • French pronouns may attach proclitically: For example; French (Indo-European (Romance): France) (20) j’attends 1 sg=wait. pres ‘I’m waiting. ’ (source: personal knowledge)

ENCLITIC(postclitic) • attaches at the end of the host • The Italian pronouns may attach enclitically Italian (Indo-European (Romance): Italy) (19) è venuto per parlarmi è venuto per parl-ar=mi 58 3 sg. is come. pfct to talk-inf=1 sg. O ‘He has come to talk to me. ’ (source: personal knowledge)

MESOCLITIC • attaches itself between the host and the inflectional affixes • can be found in European Portuguese For example; Portuguese (Indo-European (Romance): Portugal) (21) pedirlheia pedir=lhe=ia ask. inf=3 sg. m=1 sg. cond ‘I would ask him. ’ (Vigário 2003: 270)

(22) os teus amigos emprestarteão livros os teus amigos emprestar=te=ão livros 3 pl. m 2 sg. poss friend. pl lend. inf=2 sg=3 pl. fut book. pl ‘Your friends will lend you books. ’ (Vigário 2003: 245) Modern Greek (Indo-European (Greek): Greece) (23) fériméti féri=mé=ti bring. 2 imp=1 sg=pl ‘(You. pl) bring (to) me!’ (Joseph 1988: 210)

ENDOCLITIC • places itself inside the root or stem • Udi and Pastho are the only two languages currently known to have endoclitics. For example; Udi (Nakh-Daghestanian (Lezgic): Azerbaijan) (24) pasča!un !aren gölö bẹne!sa met’alaxo pasča!-un !ar-en gölö bẹ=ne=!-sa met’a-laxo king-gen boy-erg much look 1=3 sg=look 2 -pres this. gen-on ‘The prince looks at this for a long time. ’ (root: bẹy-) (Harris 2000: 598)

(25) kayuzax azq’e kayuz-ax a=z=q’-e letter-dat receive 1=1 sg=receive 2 -aor. II ‘I received the letter. ’ (root: aq’-) (Ibid. ) Pashto (Indo-European (Iranian): Afghanistan, Pakistan) (26) a. ağustə me wear 1 sg ‘I was wearing (it). ’ b. á=me=ğustə wear 1=1 sg=wear 2 ‘I was wearing (it). ’ (root: ağuşt-) (Tegey 1978: 89)